Indigenous health

Crime, Aboriginality and the decolonisation of justice. Harry Blagg. Sydney: Hawkins Press, 2008 (232 pp). ISBN 978 187606 719 9. Widely published, Harry Blagg is one of Australia’s eminent researchers on criminal justice in Aboriginal communities. His Crime, Aboriginality and the decolonisation of justice is both confronting and thought provoking. Every page had me thinking that people who work in the health sector should read this book. There are such parallels. While Blagg does not specifically write about health, I became more and more aware of the dynamic interaction between justice and health — ill health and crime. Blagg demonstrates a profound failure in the systems of justice in Australia for Aboriginal people, and this systemic failure is also applicable to health. There is much to learn. For example, much of the money in the justice system is spent at the rear end, within corrections, where funding is often channelled into preventive measures — prevention attended to too late. When Blagg writes about prison as a source of pain but not shame, with terms of reference that are different from those prescribed by white society, he is illustrating a great tragedy. He says prison becomes a place for acquiring some of the bounties of white society: food, medical services, education, meeting classificatory kin, conducting family business, taking a break and drying out. He acknowledges the cost to Aboriginal families and communities. However, Blagg does not point out that prison has another, deeply disturbing outcome. It is where extreme violence is learnt, and where sexually violent behaviours can be transferred back into communities. Blagg refutes allegations that Aboriginal customary laws condone violence against women and children, pointing to the wealth of research to the contrary. He suggests these laws contain considerable potential for renewal and healing. The book, while easy to read if you know the subject, will confront some readers and cause them to think more deeply about the “decolonisation” of justice. Hopefully, some readers might choose to also think more deeply about the deconstruction of the medical system, so that the development of hybrid initiatives of health and wellbeing might also be possible. At $49.95, the cost is a little more than I would have anticipated for a book of just over 200 pages. Nonetheless, it is good value for money. It has me thinking of links between law and health and the need to explore rather than ignore liminal spaces between Aboriginal notions of ceremony as forms of transition, including syncretic changes in status relationships between social domains — social domains that construct justice and health, or crime and ill health.

Judy Atkinson

Holding men. Kanyirninpa and the health of Aboriginal men. Brian F McCoy. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 2008 (xviii + 278 pp). ISBN 978 0 85575 658 1. The health of Aboriginal men is a critical issue in the discourse on Aboriginal affairs and policy. The important issues here, though, the author suggests, are not merely the biomedical aspects of health. They are the relational, social and cultural contexts and constructs of Aboriginal men’s health. The cultural process of “nurture” or “Kanyirninpa” (holding) is part of such a construct. Brian McCoy brings an interesting perspective as he is a Jesuit priest and an academic researcher, and has been everything from a footy coach to an Aboriginal Deaths in Custody research officer. He has spent most of the past 40 years working and living with Aboriginal people, particularly in the Western Desert where much of this book was researched. The author addresses one of the salient issues missing in the discussion on the poor health of Aboriginal men: an approach that acknowledges the relevance of culture and accurately reflects the current health status of Aboriginal men within a broader social sphere. He begins with a relatively dry academic style that becomes quite poignant as the nature of his research is developed. He locates his personal frame of reference, builds on his own relationships with Aboriginal people, then examines the past and recent, relevant history of the Western Desert. From there the book delves deeper, into the nature of Aboriginal male relationships and how these have been affected and what the impact has been, in terms of broad health and social and emotional wellbeing. For those of us who work with Aboriginal people, this is an important book, and for those who don’t, and want to have a deeper intellectual understanding of Aboriginal issues, it’s a good read.

Mark Wenitong

My story. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women sharing their experiences of breast cancer. A resource for health workers. Val Alberts, Project Coordinator. Sydney: National Breast and Ovarian Cancer Centre, 2008 (DVD and booklet). Cancer has not been a high priority on the Indigenous health agenda in Australia, despite being a major cause of death. Disparities in cancer mortality between Indigenous Australians and other Australians are not the result of a higher incidence of cancer among Indigenous people overall, but exist for reasons such as lower participation in screening; delayed presentation with symptoms; and poorer uptake of treatment. There have been few resources specifically for Indigenous people with cancer, so this 14-minute DVD, My story. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women sharing their experiences of breast cancer, is a welcome contribution. Six Indigenous women talk about how they came to be diagnosed with breast cancer and their subsequent journeys through treatment. The stories are engaging and rich in important health messages — Indigenous people do get cancer; Indigenous women should participate in mammography screening; don’t ignore symptoms; early diagnosis is important for cure; involving family members helps them know what you’re going through; one cancer doesn’t mean you won’t get another; it’s normal to be scared; breast prostheses help you feel and look better. To reinforce the importance of early diagnosis, the women point to their own survival — they wouldn’t be alive to tell their story unless treated early. The presentation also touches on issues of family history. Several scenarios mention the role that men can play in helping women with breast cancer — encouraging them to seek health care for symptoms, attending medical appointments to provide support, and helping children and other family members to understand. Produced by James Cook University, the DVD has a Far North Queensland feel, with scenes of palm trees and beaches. It has an authenticity and positivity that contribute to it being a valuable health promotion and educational resource for Indigenous people. At the same time, its messages are universal, and the DVD will have broad appeal, especially among the nation’s many breast cancer support groups. An accompanying booklet means people are not reliant on having a DVD player to acquaint, or re-acquaint, themselves with the stories of the women. Here’s hoping for more such endeavours to cover a wider range of cancers, and to convey cancer messages and education for Indigenous men.

Sandra C Thompson

Objective: To estimate the incidence and survival rates of acute myocardial infarction (AMI) for Northern Territory Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations.Design and participants: Retrospective cohort study for all new AMI cases recorded in hospital inpatient data or registered as an ischaemic heart disease (IHD) death between 1992 and 2004.Main outcome measures: Population-based incidence and survival rates by age, sex, Indigenous status, remoteness of residence and year of diagnosis.Results: Over the 13-year study period, the incidence of AMI increased 60% in the NT Indigenous population (incidence rate ratio [IRR], 1.04; 95% CI, 1.02–1.06), but decreased 20% in the non-Indigenous population (IRR, 0.98; 95% CI, 0.97–1.00). Over the same period, there was an improvement in all-cases survival (ie, survival with and without hospital admission) for the NT Indigenous population due to a reduction in deaths both pre-hospital and after hospital admission (death rates reduced by 56% and 50%, respectively). The non-Indigenous all-cases death rate was reduced by 29% as a consequence of improved survival after hospital admission; there was no significant change in pre-hospital survival in this population. Important factors that affected outcome in all people after AMI were sex (better survival for women), age (survival declined with increasing age), remoteness (worse outcomes for non-Indigenous residents of remote areas), year of diagnosis and Indigenous status (hazard ratio, 1.44; 95% CI, 1.21–1.70).Conclusions: Our results show that the increasing IHD mortality in the NT Indigenous population is a consequence of a rise in AMI incidence, while at the same time there has been some improvement in Indigenous AMI survival rates. The simultaneous decrease in IHD mortality in NT non-Indigenous people was a result of reduced AMI incidence and improved survival after AMI in those admitted to hospital. Our results inform population-specific strategies for a systemwide response to AMI management.

Jiqiong You MSc, MBA, MB · John R Condon MPH, PhD, FAFPHM · Yuejen Zhao MB BSc, MBiostats, PhD · Steven Guthridge MB BS, MTH, FAFPHM

Objective: To describe the natural history and risk of early chronic kidney disease (CKD) in Indigenous Australian populations.Design, setting and participants: A prospective cohort of 2266 Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal children enrolled from primary schools throughout New South Wales from February 2002 to June 2004 and followed for 4 years.Main outcome measures: Urinalysis, height, weight, blood pressure, birthweight and sociodemographic status at baseline and 2- and 4-year follow-up; CKD risk factors: haematuria, albuminuria, obesity, and systolic and diastolic hypertension.Results: 2266 children (55% Aboriginal; 51% male; mean age, 8.9 years [SD, 2.0 years]) were enrolled at baseline. 1432 children (63%) were retested at 2-year follow-up, and 1506 children (67%) at 4-year follow-up. Prevalence of baseline CKD risk factors was frequent (2%–7%), but most abnormalities were transient. Besides persistent obesity (5.0%), persistence of CKD risk factors at final follow-up was low: haematuria (1.9%), albuminuria (2.4%), systolic hypertension (1.5%) and diastolic hypertension (0.2%). There was no difference in prevalence of persistent CKD risk factors between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal children.Conclusions: Over 4 years of follow-up, Indigenous Australian children had no increased risk for early evidence of CKD. More than 70% of baseline risk factors were transient, and persistent risk factors were uncommon. Our findings suggest the increased risk for end-stage kidney disease seen in Indigenous adults is not yet manifest in these schoolchildren, and may be potentially preventable.

Leigh Haysom MB BS, MClinEpi, FRACP · Rita Williams BA · Elisabeth M Hodson MB BS, FRACP · Pamela A Lopez-Vargas BN, BSc, BHSc(TCM) · Leslie P Roy MB BS, MD, FRACP · David M Lyle MB BS, PhD, FAFPHM · Jonathan C Craig MB BS, PhD, FRACP

Objective: To quantify Indigenous mortality in the Northern Territory by remoteness of residence.Design, setting and participants: Australian Bureau of Statistics mortality data were used to compare rates of death from chronic disease in the NT Indigenous population with rates in the general Australian population over the period 1998–2003. Rates were evaluated by categories of remoteness based on the Accessibility/Remoteness Index of Australia: outer regional areas (ORAs), remote areas (RAs) and very remote areas (VRAs).Main outcome measures: Mortality from cardiovascular disease, diabetes and renal disease; standardised mortality ratios (SMRs); percentage change in annual death rates; changes in mortality between 1998–2000 and 2001–2003.Results: In 1998–2000, SMRs for all-cause mortality were 285% in ORAs, 875% in RAs and 214% in VRAs. In 2001–2003, corresponding SMRs were 325%, 731% and 208%. For the period 1998–2003, percentage changes in annual all-cause mortality were 4.4% (95% CI, –2.2%, 11.5%) in ORAs, –5.3% (95% CI, –9.6%, –0.8%) in RAs, and 1.1% (95% CI, –7.2%, 11.3%) in VRAs. In 2001–2003, compared with 1998–2000, changes in the number of Indigenous deaths were +35 in ORAs, –37 in RAs and +32 in VRAs. Similar patterns were observed for cardiovascular mortality.Conclusions: Compared with mortality in the general Australian population, Indigenous mortality was up to nine times higher in RAs, three times higher in ORAs and two times higher in VRAs. The fact that rates were lowest in VRAs runs contrary to claims that increasing remoteness is associated with poorer health status. Despite the high death rate in RAs, there was a downward trend in mortality in RAs over the study period. This was partly attributable to a fall in the absolute number of deaths.

Karen Andreasyan DMD, MPH · Wendy E Hoy BSc, MB BS, FRACP

The effects of cannabis use on health and social adjustment are profound Substance misuse by Indigenous people has long been recognised as one of the devastating consequences of contact with Western culture. Misuse of tobacco, alcohol and petrol among Indigenous Australians has received much attention. Cannabis, by contrast, has not been viewed as a major problem. But since the 1990s, it has become apparent that heavy cannabis use is common in some remote Indigenous communities.1 The associated health and social burdens are now being recognised.1,2 Indigenous Australians, whether living in urban or rural settings, are more likely than other Australians to report cannabis use.3 Recent reports suggest that cannabis use is also relatively high among Indigenous populations in New Zealand, Canada and North America.4 Limited data are available on patterns of cannabis use among Indigenous Australians.3 However, a recent 5-year study of adolescents and young adults in three remote communities in Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory has found that not only is cannabis use common in remote Indigenous settings, but its effects on health and social adjustment are profound.4-6 These three communities are close to one another but very isolated, being over 550 kilometres from the nearest city. There is one local Indigenous language, and English is a secondary language. Tobacco use was found to be the norm in these communities, with over 90% of adolescents and young adults smoking.7 Because of restricted access to alcohol, problem drinking was uncommon.7 In contrast, cannabis use was endemic, with over 70% of males and 20% of females being current users.5 Cannabis was typically consumed mixed with tobacco and smoked using a locally fashioned “bucket bong” that gives the user a rapid and intense dose with little smoke lost.5 Regular heavy use (≥ 6 “cones” daily) was found in almost 90% of users.7 This is around twice the consumption of regular cannabis users elsewhere in Australia.1 Furthermore, about 90% of the Indigenous users reported symptoms of cannabis dependence.1 This compares with about 20% of users aged 18 or over in the general Australian population.3 Of even greater concern was a suggestion that, for most Indigenous users, cannabis was not a passing adolescent phase. After 5 years of follow-up, the great majority reported continuing heavy use.4 Cannabis use was linked to substantial health problems and social burdens in these communities, which are already disadvantaged by isolation and poverty.2,5,8 Up to 10% of the communities’ total income and between 31% and 62% of a user’s median weekly income was spent on cannabis.5 Cannabis users were less likely than non-users to participate in education or training5 and more likely to report auditory hallucinations, suicidal ideation,6 symptoms of depression,7 and having been imprisoned.6 Community violence increased when cannabis supplies were scarce.1,2 The effects on traditional life were described by one NT Indigenous mental health clinician in the following way: Too many of my people are chained to [cannabis]. They don’t go out hunting or spend time by the river with their family. They just sit and smoke [cannabis], then look for money to buy more [cannabis] and get into fights when they can’t get any (Muriel Jaragba, personal communication). What accounts for the unusual patterns of cannabis misuse in these remote Indigenous communities? There is little evidence that cannabis is grown locally,9 but much anecdotal evidence that market networks supplied by dealers based in urban or regional centres are extensive and resilient, making cannabis readily available (A R C, unpublished observation). Alcohol restrictions have been effective in reducing problem drinking within communities, but may have had the undesirable consequence of encouraging an increase in cannabis use where it could be easily obtained.5 As with risks for other forms of substance misuse in these communities, the social context is important. Limited employment and education opportunities; crowded, poor-quality housing; community-wide feelings of disempowerment; and grief and loss related to high mortality, morbidity and incarceration rates are all likely risk factors for substance misuse. Cannabis misuse is likely to be both a consequence of this type of social disadvantage and a perpetuating influence. Cannabis misuse in remote Indigenous communities has been overlooked for too long. It is now clear that it is yet another major problem for these already disadvantaged communities, with evidence of cannabis misuse across a broad area of northern Australia.1,2,9 As well as in the NT, concerns about the level of cannabis use have recently been noted in Cape York8 and anecdotally in other parts of remote and regional Australia. Further research is needed to investigate the impact of cannabis use on urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. Effective responses will not be easy. Controls on supply by state- or territory-based police are one of the few available measures.6 In order to be effective, policymakers and service providers would need to work collaboratively with local communities to tie in local prevention and treatment initiatives with existing supply control initiatives. Such programs would need to use Indigenous language and cultural frameworks, build capacity of local Indigenous professionals, and improve understanding of the harms associated with cannabis misuse.10 Ultimately, tackling the misuse of cannabis and other substances in remote settings will depend on creating opportunities for social development and for continuing education, training and employment of adolescents and young adults.

K S Kylie Lee BMus(Hons) · Katherine M Conigrave FAFPHM, FAChAM, PhD · George C Patton MD, FRANZCP · Alan R Clough PhD

Closing the gap in life expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians needs to start in the womb. Rates of perinatal mortality, preterm birth and low birthweight are two to three times greater among the babies of Indigenous women than among those of non-Indigenous women; low birthweight predisposes infants to greater risks of chronic illness in later life. Indigenous women in Australia tend to present for antenatal care later in pregnancy than do non-Indigenous women. There are many barriers for Indigenous women seeking to access antenatal care — geographical, social, cultural, financial and in some cases a lack of service provision. Many of these problems are being addressed within the public health system and by Indigenous community-controlled health services. However, more needs to be done. While antenatal care cannot solve all medical and social problems, commencing such care as early as possible in pregnancy has the potential to improve maternal health and hence pregnancy outcomes. Changes in the way the government Baby Bonus is paid to new mothers could act as an incentive not only to service providers but also to women themselves to initiate antenatal care in the first trimester of pregnancy. Such a system has been well established for many years in France. Any changes to the Baby Bonus scheme should provide incentives and not be punitive in nature.

Caroline M de Costa FRANZCOG, FRCOG, MPH · Mark Wenitong BMed

To the Editor: A causal connection between alcoholic mothers and developmental delays and physical abnormalities in their babies was identified in the 1970s and termed fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS). Other less extreme but still disabling effects fall under the umbrella term of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD).1 Some studies have found higher prevalences of FAS among indigenous children in several countries, including Australia.2-4 However, none are as high as those cited in a webcast video program produced by the Rural Health Education Foundation and accredited by (and examinable for professional development points awarded by) the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners, Australian College of Rural and Remote Medicine, Pharmaceutical Society of Australia, Royal College of Nursing Australia, and the Australian Physiotherapy Association.5 In this program, an Indigenous Australian health worker states that 540 out of 614 children aged under 12 in an (unnamed) Indigenous community are “already showing signs of primary and secondary disabilities associated with FAS and FASD”.5 These findings are not sourced and therefore not verifiable. We believe that unsubstantiated claims such as this can fuel racism against Indigenous children. Research conducted within a Queensland Aboriginal community school found that teachers were using information such as that provided in the video program to explain students’ poor school performances, when no formal diagnoses of FASD had been made for the children.6 It is racially discriminatory to impute a lifelong and incurable disability to Indigenous children when no teratogenic condition has been diagnosed. The prevalence of FAS and FASD has not been comprehensively established in Indigenous or non-Indigenous communities in Australia. There are other reasons why Indigenous students might not be succeeding in school, such as hearing impairments, being taught in Standard English (which is not their first language), or being assessed with culturally and linguistically biased school and IQ tests.6,7 Stigmatising them as intellectually impaired can lead to low self-esteem, behavioural problems, and absences from school. These outcomes have been noted here and overseas,7 yet some educationalists persist in blaming prenatal factors (including “bad genes”) rather than addressing the more difficult issues of systemic racism in the educational setting. In light of the federal government’s campaign to protect Indigenous children and to encourage their educational potential, as well as its general attack on binge drinking, it is essential to fund programs that address FAS and FASD in both Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities. Further, all governments need to support the dissemination of clear and substantiated information on this preventable cause of intellectual impairment.

Loretta R de Plevitz · Judith S Gould · Terrina M Smith

In reply: The Rural Health Education Foundation is sorry that a statement on its live-to-air, interactive program was interpreted as being racist. We can see how this has occurred and have added an addendum to the program’s website description to avoid any future misinterpretation of what the presenter was intending to communicate.1 The research on fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) quoted in the Foundation’s program by an Australian Aboriginal health worker is currently unpublished, and was undertaken in 2000 during a fieldwork placement as a requirement for a Master of Applied Epidemiology (Indigenous Health).2 This research identified that 540 out of 614 children aged under 12 in an (unnamed) Indigenous community had prenatal exposure to alcohol that exceeded the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) recommendations on alcohol consumption during pregnancy,3 and were subsequently at risk of primary and secondary disabilities associated with fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) and FASD. During the program’s live discussion, the panel member incorrectly stated that the research cohort was already showing signs of primary and secondary disability related to FAS and FASD. Two individual projects within the Masters research contributed to the findings. The first, examining the risks of maternal alcohol use for child physical and psychological development, involved retrospective, longitudinal analysis of a data subset from an existing study over a 5-year period of 8556 women who received antenatal care, with subsequent follow-up of the mothers and their children when the children were 5 years old. The second was a descriptive study involving all women in the (unnamed) Indigenous community who gave birth within a 5-year period immediately before the research. Medical record audit and focus groups (talking circles) were conducted. This research is currently being expanded in the context of PhD studies, and the candidate intends to submit the new findings for publication in the near future. The video program content was developed in consultation with a group of health professionals with expertise in the area of Australian Indigenous health and FASD. At all times, the Rural Health Education Foundation seeks to provide positive examples of “what works” in its location-based filmed case studies. The Foundation and its representatives in no way meant to infer racism or discriminate against this (or any other) group of Indigenous Australians.

Brian D Bowring · Amanda Little

Aboriginal primary health care. An evidence-based approach. 3rd ed. Sophia Couzos, Richard Murray. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2007 (i + 862 pp). ISBN 978 0 19 555138 9. Let me tell you a secret. I admired this book for a long time before I actually read it. Like Dickens and Dostoyevsky, it’s a great achievement, and I knew I should read it, but the sheer size put me off. Fortunately, it’s worthy of the trust I had invested in it. The authors, all experts in their fields, have done an incredible job of collating the evidence behind their recommendations. Just as important is the backing of the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO). To close the gap in health outcomes, Aboriginal communities must be able to make decisions for themselves. NACCHO’s involvement means these guidelines don’t start off as outside impositions. It’s a dry read at times. The most memorable parts are quotations from other authors. The chapters start with quotes from Puggy Hunter — if you read only these, you will understand more of Aboriginal health than when you started. The opening chapters are essential reading for linking together history, policy and health (or if you want to argue with someone who believes Aboriginal health is overfunded). The heart of the book devotes chapters to important clinical topics. Each chapter sets out the goals to be achieved, goes through interventions on individual, service and community levels, and supplies performance indicators as measures of how well you are doing. Most practices would find useful ideas here, whatever their population. This book should be used alongside good-quality clinical guidelines for more practical detail for individual patients. The references will direct you to the appropriate places, although a bibliography would have been more helpful. In some instances the evidence has moved on since publication, but in many remote clinics a book is still the best way to access information. This one is more than good enough to work from.

Timothy P M Senior

For Indigenous Australians, the “health of country” is inextricably linked with human health The impacts of climate change on human health are now being documented in Australia.1 Not surprisingly, these impacts are unequally distributed across our society, as vulnerability depends on a number of factors, including the degree of exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity. However, intranational heterogeneity of climate impacts on health has not been adequately documented to date.2 Using this lens, the vulnerability of Australia’s Indigenous people living in remote areas of the country is revealed. Their vulnerability to climate change is intensified by the social and economic disadvantage they already experience — the result of factors that include decades of inadequate housing and public services, and culturally inappropriate medical services. In addition, specific cultural ties between Indigenous people’s wellbeing and the “health” of their “country” create significant indirect impacts of climate change.3,4 We argue that it is vital to acknowledge the significance of this situation now, so that anticipatory adaptive policies can be implemented. Such policies should ensure that adequate resources are provided to mitigate some of the worst impacts of climate change on these communities, in a way that encourages community participation in decision making. We now know that, across northern Australia, climate change is expected to bring hotter day- and night-time temperatures.5 Elevated temperatures and increases in hot spells are expected to be a major problem for Indigenous health in remote areas, where cardiovascular and respiratory disease are more prevalent and there are many elderly people with inadequate facilities to cope with the increased heat stress. However, while the literature is not clear on the exact effects of increasing heat on people and communities, it does imply that these effects are likely to be less in regions where people are already acclimatised to hot conditions. Communicable diseases such as bacterial diarrhoea, which are more common in hot, dry conditions, may increase in incidence unless additional preventive action is taken. One study predicted that a 1.0–3.5oC increase in average temperature by the year 2050 would lead to an estimated 5%–18% increase in diarrhoea cases in Alice Springs.6 Dengue fever, spread by mosquitoes, also presents a climate-related risk to Indigenous communities. Although the virus is not currently endemic in Australia, there are sporadic epidemics, with occasional cycles over winter in the local mosquito populations in northern Queensland.7 The conceptual divide between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians about perceptions of “health” also needs to be recognised and accommodated.8 The Indigenous concept of health is broad and multifaceted, reflecting a different world view to that of the Western biomedical model. For many Indigenous people, a connection with “country” — a place of ancestry, identity, language, livelihood and community — is a key determinant of health.9 If community-owned country becomes “sick” through environmental degradation, climate impacts, or inability of the traditional owners to fulfil cultural obligations through ongoing management and habitation of their land, the people of that land will feel this “sickness” themselves. That is, the elements contributing to Indigenous health and wellbeing are often abstract and based on social interactions with people and the non-human landscape. Thus, as ecosystems change in response to biophysical impacts and extreme weather events, many traditional owners living in remote areas are likely to face increased physiological, psychological, economic and spiritual stress as it becomes more difficult to “look after their country”. At both international and national levels, there is some recognition of the specific needs of indigenous people in relation to the impact of climate change. The World Health Organization’s Commission on Social Determinants of Health and the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues have recently acknowledged the importance of tackling climate change, particularly with respect to health, for the world’s 350 million indigenous people. In Australia, the Garnaut Climate Change Review has recognised the importance of some non-quantifiable costs, including the specific intangible costs associated with improving Indigenous health.10 A challenge for medical practitioners dealing with this issue in the Australian context will be to look beyond the limitations of traditional epidemiology and scientific reductionism to embrace a more ecologically focused, social-determinants approach to health.11 This approach would enable the “health of country” and its inextricable links with human health to be considered in climate impact assessments. To address these different paradigms of health, the first step is to begin discussions with Indigenous people to prioritise activities. This process will certainly require a significant increase in the capacity of medical professionals and health systems in northern Australia, as well as increased education and training programs for Indigenous trainees and cross-cultural programs for nurses and local Indigenous support staff. Changes also need to be made in teaching practice across Australia. Currently, Indigenous health still occupies a peripheral place in many medical school curricula, with government funding and research disproportionally supporting high-cost, acute-care medicine at the expense of preventive and primary health care. In tandem with well planned, properly resourced programs that support strong livelihood activities in remote communities, there is the potential to begin to reduce the additional risk for many Indigenous communities from climate change. There are multiple co-benefits of this approach that would raise social and economic indicators. Ignoring the warning signs and failing to take action is no longer an option.

Donna Green PhD · Ursula King FACRRM, MPH · Joe Morrison MA

Objective: To investigate National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) support over the decade to 2006 for researchers studying Indigenous health and researchers who self-identified as Indigenous.Design and setting: Review of data on all recipients of People Support awards and Capacity Building Grants in Population Health Research who were researching Indigenous health or who self-identified as Indigenous between 1996 and 2006.Main outcome measures: Annual People Support and Capacity Building grants and expenditure, by broad research area, state or territory, administering institution, and Indigenous status (as self-identified by award recipients in their applications).Results: Between 1996 and 2006, 134 People Support awards were made to researchers studying Indigenous health; of these, 27 (20%) were to researchers who self-identified as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander. In 2006, about 2.9% of the annual expenditure on all People Support funding was for Indigenous health research, representing a doubling in the proportion of funds since 2001. There was no increase in the number of self-identified Indigenous researchers funded under People Support, but Capacity Building Grants increased the number of people from Indigenous backgrounds supported by the NHMRC, with funds allocated to 36 Indigenous researchers from 2002 to 2006, compared with 14 funded by People Support during the same period.Conclusions: Funding to support Indigenous health research through the People Support scheme has increased since the NHMRC adopted policy changes in 2002, but it has not reached the targeted expenditure of at least 5% of agency allocations. The Capacity Building Grants have been a more effective vehicle for funding researchers from Indigenous backgrounds.

Sophia Leon de la Barra BA, MPH, MPhilPH · Sally Redman BA(Hons)(Psych), PhD · Sandra Eades BMed, PhD · Carey Lonsdale BSc, GradDip(Zool), MApplSci

The issue of “equal health” for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples involves a broad range of social determinants, in addition to physical health. The formation of an Australian college of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health would allow a continuing authoritative conference of broad expert opinion, including that of Aboriginal health workers, to address health and social inequality.

Robert M Parker BMed, AFACHSE, FRANZCP

To the Editor: Impacts of alcohol consumption on health and wellbeing in remote Indigenous communities are well documented. In response, governments have applied supply and demand reduction programs, including the “Meeting Challenges, Making Choices” program, which has lowered the rate of serious injury. Although a pattern of heavy, episodic drinking has been documented, the nature of physical dependence in relation to acute alcohol withdrawal syndrome is uncertain. We report the results of sudden, temporary removal of alcohol in a small Indigenous community. In a remote Queensland Indigenous community (population, 1021) with one licensed premises, patterns of extreme drinking (30 standard drinks per session) are commonly seen around paydays. In 2008, the Queensland Government withdrew the sole liquor trading licence with 72 hours’ notice because of a breach of licensing laws. The licence was subsequently renewed after several months. During this time, there was no significant access to alternative (illegal) sources of alcohol within the community, as the prohibition against bringing alcohol into the community (initiated in 2003) was strictly enforced by police. Health services in this community comprised a primary health care centre (PHCC) with Queensland Health resident nursing staff, Royal Flying Doctor Service medical staff on weekdays (the principal doctor was S A M), and visiting specialists provided by both organisations, including a psychiatrist (E H). When the closure was being arranged, Queensland Government authorities requested that these health providers establish a process to treat any patients who developed acute alcohol withdrawal syndrome; this was monitored by S A M. Four weeks after the sudden cessation of alcohol availability, PHCC staff did not notice any outmigration of regular drinkers, and no patients presented with acute alcohol withdrawal syndrome. These findings are consistent with the anecdotal experience of E H, who has not encountered any cases of withdrawal delirium in this community over the past 16 years. By contrast, in recent years E H has observed several cases of withdrawal symptoms from cannabis use in this community, as seen previously in remote Northern Territory Indigenous communities.5 Our results suggest that people can develop physiological or psychological tolerance for heavy episodic drinking, which may be a function of adaptation to the intermittent nature of financial resources. This finding removes a potential health-related impediment preventing governments from considering sudden cessation of legal alcohol supply in these or similar environments.

Stephen A Margolis · Valmae A Ypinazar · Alan R Clough · Ernest Hunter

Objective: To estimate the percentage of preterm (< 37 weeks) and full-term low-birthweight (37–41 weeks, < 2500 g) babies born to mothers who smoke, stratified by Indigenous status and statistically adjusted for the potential confounding effects of social and demographic factors, medical conditions and pregnancy complications.Design, setting and participants: Population-based study of singleton babies born to mothers resident in Queensland who gave birth in Queensland from 1 July 2005 to 31 December 2006.Main outcome measures: Adjusted percentages of preterm birth and full-term low birthweight for babies born to Indigenous and non-Indigenous mothers.Results: Of the 79 803 babies studied, 4228 (5.3%) were born to Indigenous mothers and 16 395 (20.5%) were born to mothers who smoked during pregnancy. The percentage of Indigenous mothers who smoked (54%) was almost triple that for non-Indigenous mothers (risk ratio, 2.90; 95% CI, 2.81–2.99). The adjusted outcomes for babies born to Indigenous non-smokers were similar to those for non-Indigenous non-smokers (preterm, 7.1% v 6.1%; full-term low birthweight, 1.6% v 1.1%). The adjusted percentages for smokers were high regardless of Indigenous status (preterm, Indigenous v non-Indigenous, 8.3% v 7.8%; full-term low birthweight, Indigenous v non-Indigenous, 5.3% v 3.7%).Conclusions: Antenatal smoking remains an important cause of poor health among both Indigenous and non-Indigenous newborn babies. Most pregnant smokers receive their antenatal care in the public sector. State and federal governments, who directly fund this sector, have a particular responsibility to ensure that interventions are offered to all pregnant smokers to help them quit smoking.

Rachael-Anne Wills BAppSc(Hons) · Michael D Coory PhD, FAFPHM, AStat

Objectives: To explore the role of socioeconomic status and Aboriginality on birthweight at an urban hospital.Design, participants and setting: Extraction of data on the demographic characteristics (socioeconomic status, mothers’ single-parent status, age and smoking status) and infants’ birthweight from a clinical record system. Infants delivered at an outer urban hospital to mothers residing in the local government area during 2002 were included. Infants were identified and results interpreted in consultation with Indigenous health workers.Main outcome measure: Infant birthweight.Results: Indigenous infants had a lower mean birthweight than non-Indigenous infants (difference, 127 g), and were more likely to weigh < 2500 g. Mothers of Indigenous infants were more likely to be single, aged < 20 years and to smoke during pregnancy. Lower birthweight was associated with lower socioeconomic status for Indigenous and non-Indigenous infants. Indigenous infants in the most socioeconomically disadvantaged quintile in this study were at higher risk and had a mean birthweight 204 g less than non-Indigenous infants in the same quintile. In multivariate analysis, differences in birthweight were associated with socioeconomic status and smoking during pregnancy.Conclusions: For both Indigenous and non-Indigenous infants, birthweights were associated with socioeconomic status. Differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous infants were largely explained by low socioeconomic status and smoking during pregnancy.

Angela T Titmuss BSci(Med)(Hons), MB BS, MPH · Elizabeth Harris BA, DipSocWork, MPH · Elizabeth J Comino BVSc, MPH, PhD

Objectives: To explore the understanding of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians with end-stage kidney disease (ESKD) about the cause of their disease, and how this understanding could affect patients’ engagement with their treatment.Design, setting and participants: Qualitative study conducted in 2005–2006 in nine hospital renal units and 17 associated dialysis centres in four states and the Northern Territory as part of the IMPAKT (Improving Access to Kidney Transplants) study. In-depth interviews were conducted with 146 Indigenous and 95 non-Indigenous Australians with ESKD, covering personal history of illness, social and psychosocial context, attitudes to treatments including transplantation, adequacy of information and communication, and satisfaction with services.Results: Indigenous Australians were less certain about the cause of their illness and reported feeling uninformed but eager for information. They commonly reported lifestyle factors as potentially causal, with profound confusion about the role of alcohol. Indigenous Australians had considerable ambivalence towards biomedical explanations.Conclusions: Indigenous Australians are confused, frustrated and feel poorly informed about their illness. This study confirms the need to develop shared understandings about chronic kidney disease and to put in place the high-quality and appropriate educational resources that patients need.

Kate Anderson BSc(Psych)(Hons), BA · Jeannie Devitt PhD · Joan Cunningham ScD · Cilla Preece BAppSci(IPHC) · Alan Cass MB BS, FRACP, PhD

Objective: To assess the impact of a long-term comprehensive control program for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in remote Aboriginal communities in Central Australia, and to investigate a recent rise in gonorrhoea prevalence.Design: STI prevalence was determined from annual, cross-sectional, population-wide, age-based screening, 1996–2006. During 2006, gonococcal isolates were obtained by on-site culture and tested for antimicrobial susceptibility.Setting: Six remote clinics on the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands, South Australia, which are served by Nganampa Health Council, an Aboriginal community-controlled health service.Participants: All resident Aboriginal people aged 14–40 years at the commencement date of each annual population-wide screen.Main outcome measures: Multivariable logistic regression models were used to compare prevalence of chlamydial infection, gonorrhoea and syphilis measured during each annual population-wide screen; antimicrobial susceptibility of gonococcal isolates obtained in 2006.Results: Between 1996 and 2003, there was a significant reduction in prevalence of gonorrhoea and chlamydial infection, by 67% and 58%, respectively. Subsequently, chlamydia prevalence rate plateaued, but there was a rapid rise in prevalence of gonorrhoea. Syphilis prevalence decreased linearly over the study period (odds ratio, 0.81; P < 0.001). During the first 6 months of 2006, 89 gonococcal isolates were obtained, 39 through on-site culture during the 6-week screening period, and all were sensitive to penicillin (in the less-sensitive category).Conclusions: The decrease in STI prevalence asssociated with the program was maintained until 2006 for chlamydial infection and syphilis, but not for gonorrhoea, which rose in prevalence after 2003. There was no change in antimicrobial resistance to explain this rise, and gonorrhoea transmission dynamics and travel of core transmitters to regions without STI control programs might be responsible.

Rae-Lin Huang MB BS(Hons), MPH, FRACGP · Paul J Torzillo MB BS, FRACP, FJFICM · Vivien A Hammond RN, RM, GradDipNursing · Stephanie T Coulter BLabMed · Adrienne C Kirby BSc(Hons), MSc

To the Editor: In the preceding article, we report on a substantial rise in prevalence rates of gonorrhoea in a population in remote Central Australia.1 This rise occurred in the context of a sustained major reduction in sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the region, achieved by a comprehensive program of STI control, described in the article1 and previously.2 We found that the gonorrhoea outbreak was not due to penicillin resistance of the causative organism, and we hypothesise that it was due to the introduction and dominance of a more infectious clone.3,4 This rise in gonorrhoea in a region widely acknowledged to have the most successful STI control program in the country prompted several commentators to argue that both this program, and screening as a measure for STI control in remote Indigenous communities, had failed, and to advocate a range of other approaches.5 We recently completed the analysis of the 2008 annual population-wide STI screen, which achieved a 78% participation rate among eligible participants. These data strongly suggest that the gonorrhoea outbreak seen over the previous 4 years has been controlled (Box). Furthermore, the current prevalence rates are among the lowest seen in the past decade. These findings suggest that a comprehensive STI control program, such as that delivered by the Nganampa Health Council, can not only reduce STI rates, but also control outbreaks, provided the program is sustained. During most of the past decade, the prevalence of syphilis remained below 1%, of chlamydial infection below 6%, and of screening test-positive gonorrhoea below 8%, as measured during the annual population-wide screens. This program should be replicable in other regions, if appropriate resources and expertise are applied, thus providing an opportunity to improve an important area of Indigenous health using current public health knowledge. Age-adjusted prevalence rates of chlamydial infection, gonorrhoea and syphilis among 14–40-year-olds on the APY Lands, 1996–2008 APY = Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara.

Rae-Lin Huang · Paul J Torzillo · Adrienne C Kirby

Consensus recommendations for managing bronchiectasis in Indigenous children and adults living in rural and remote regions were developed during a multidisciplinary workshop and were based on available systematic reviews. Successful diagnosis, management and prevention of bronchiectasis in Indigenous Australians requires access to comprehensive health care services, as well as improved housing, education and employment and reduced poverty levels. Diagnosis of bronchiectasis requires a chest high-resolution computed tomography scan. Children who have bronchiectasis symptoms but non-diagnostic scans are described as having chronic suppurative lung disease (CSLD), rather than bronchiectasis. Untreated CSLD may progress to bronchiectasis. Chronic wet cough (> 4 weeks) or recurrent wet cough (> 2 episodes/year) are important but often under-reported symptoms. Bronchiectasis is suspected when chronic cough is excessively prolonged (> 12 weeks) or if a chest radiographic abnormality persists despite appropriate therapy. Intensive treatment aims to improve symptom control and quality of life while preserving lung function and reducing acute exacerbation frequency. Antibiotics should be prescribed for acute infective episodes according to culture results of respiratory secretions, local susceptibility patterns and clinical severity. Patients not responding promptly to oral antibiotics should be hospitalised for more intensive treatment. Ongoing care requires regular primary health care and specialist review, including monitoring for complications and comorbidities. Corticosteroids, bronchodilators and mucoactive agents may be used in individual cases, but routine use is not recommended. Physiotherapy and exercise should be encouraged, nutrition optimised, environmental pollutants (including tobacco smoke) avoided, and immunisations maintained.

Anne B Chang MPHTM, PhD, FRACP · Keith Grimwood MB ChB, FRACP, MD · Graeme Maguire MB BS, FRACP · Paul T King MB BS, FRACP, PhD · Peter S Morris MB BS, FRACP, PhD · Paul J Torzillo MB BS, FRACP

To the Editor: Trachoma, caused by the bacterium Chlamydia trachomatis, is the leading cause of infectious blindness worldwide.1 In Australia, the burden of disease falls almost exclusively on the Aboriginal population.2 However, there has been little consistent data collection on the prevalence of trachoma in recent years in Australia.3,4 Furthermore, despite Australian Government recommendations for biennial screening of people aged 40–54 years and annual screening of people aged ≥ 55 years in areas where trachoma is or has been endemic,5 very little screening of older people for trachomatous trichiasis has been conducted.2,4 We report on the first large-scale population study in 30 years of the current prevalence of active and cicatricial trachoma in the Northern Territory Aboriginal population. We conducted a standardised clinical screening study of five Aboriginal communities in the Katherine Region of the NT over a 5-week period in 2007. A representative sampling frame of those believed to be currently living in each community was constructed using the medical clinic patient list, the council housing list and the local knowledge of Aboriginal Health Workers seconded from the clinics to assist with the project. All people in each community were invited to undergo a clinical eye examination for trachoma. The parameters of the World Health Organization simplified grading scheme6 were used to determine prevalence of the five signs of trachoma: tarsal conjunctival follicles, intense inflammation, tarsal scarring, trichiasis and corneal opacity. A total of 1316 people (85.2% of the total estimated population), including 415 children aged under 10 years, were screened for trachoma. Across the five communities, active trachoma (assessed as the presence of either follicles or inflammation in one or both eyes) was at an endemic level (> 10%). The prevalences of active trachoma, scarring and trichiasis in different age groups are summarised in the Box. The overall rate of active trachoma in children under 10 years of age was 19.8% (95% CI, 16.0%–23.9%) (n = 82), and two communities had hyperendemic prevalence of trachoma (> 20%) in this age group. The youngest child observed with active trachoma was just over 1 year old. The prevalence of scarring in people aged 20 years and over was 32% (95% CI, 28.3%–35.9%) (n = 193). The youngest person identified with scarring was 7 years old. Six people (2.3% of all people aged 40 years and over) were identified with trichiasis requiring urgent ophthalmological attention. Across the population, this placed the prevalence of unoperated trichiasis at more than four times the acceptable threshold set by the WHO. A seventh person had had trichiasis surgery. That trachoma is still hyperendemic in Aboriginal communities more than 30 years after the National Trachoma and Eye Health Program first identified the extent of trachoma is unconscionable. Urgent and sustained public health and clinical interventions are required, with greater commitment from politicians and health policymakers, if Australia is to join the ranks of other developed nations in eradicating endemic trachoma. The guidelines for trachoma control developed by the Communicable Diseases Network Australia5 need to be resourced appropriately and implemented. Prevalence of active trachoma, scarring and trichiasis in five Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory in 2007, by age group* TFI = active trachoma (follicles [TF] and/or inflammation [TI]). TS = trachomatous scarring. TT = trachomatous trichiasis. * Vertical bars indicate 95% CIs.

Katrina Roper · Claude-Edouard C Michel · Paul M Kelly · Hugh R Taylor

To the Editor: We describe our experience of using community consultative strategies at a family planning clinic in Dubbo, central-west New South Wales, to increase recruitment of Indigenous women to a human papillomavirus (HPV) prevalence study — WHINURS (Women, Human papillomavirus, Indigenous, Non-Indigenous, Urban, Rural Study).1 The strategies also resulted in a sustained increase in the number of Indigenous women attending the clinic for cervical screening. The Family Planning NSW research team committed to recruit 50 Indigenous and 100 non-Indigenous women from January 2006 to WHINURS. The researchers worked collaboratively with, among others, the National Indigenous Immunisation Coordinator of the National Centre for Immunisation Research and Surveillance and the Dubbo Aboriginal Women’s Advisory Group. The study was approved by the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of NSW Ethics Committee. Non-Indigenous women were recruited within a few months but, despite the clinic team’s efforts, only one Indigenous woman was recruited over 12 months. Strategies to increase recruitment were then developed with input from one of us (C J O, a Wiradjuri Health Promotion Officer). Key strategies included street walks with a family planning nurse in Dubbo’s main street, attendance at community forums (including mothers’ groups and playgroups), and provision of drop-in clinics and transport assistance. As a result, an additional 42 Indigenous women aged 18–40 years were recruited between January and April 2007 for HPV and Pap tests. There are many barriers to Indigenous women participating in cervical screening programs.2,3 An added benefit of our recruitment approach was that the number of Indigenous women attending the clinic for Pap tests increased from 29 in 2006 to 81 in 2007, suggesting that the strategies had a sustained effect on cervical screening rates. The involvement of a respected and trusted Wiradjuri woman (C J O), known in the region as an advocate for Indigenous women’s health, appeared critical to the success of the recruitment intervention. The street walks and community visits with family planning nurses were a strategy to ensure that Indigenous women who are “very skilled at observing people and reading the unspoken word” felt safe and comfortable about undergoing the sensitive examination (C J O). The women were able to discuss their fear of finding an abnormality and balance this against their desire to do the right thing by their children by having a health check. Given that the age-standardised mortality rate for cervical cancer from 2001 to 2004 was 4.7 times higher for Indigenous women than for non-Indigenous women,4 we suggest that lessons learned from our study could help facilitate continued participation of Indigenous women in the national cervical screening program.

Christine M Read · Deborah J Bateson · Christine J Ohrin

Objective: To examine trends in invasive pneumococcal disease (IPD) in Indigenous people in north Queensland following the introduction of the 7-valent pneumococcal conjugate vaccine (7vPCV).Design: Trends in IPD were compared over three 3-year periods: before the introduction of 7vPCV for Indigenous children (1999–2001), and two consecutive periods after its introduction (2002–2004 and 2005–2007).Main outcome measures: Incidences of IPD in Indigenous children and adults in 1999–2001 and 2005–2007; trends in IPD caused by 7vPCV and non-7vPCV serotypes; and trends in indirect protective effects and emergence of non-7vPCV serotype IPD.Results: From 1999–2001 to 2005–2007, there was a 60% decline in IPD, with the virtual elimination of 7vPCV serotype IPD in young (< 5 years) Indigenous children. There is no evidence yet of an increase in non-7vPCV serotype IPD in these children. Although the annual incidence of IPD in Indigenous adults remained virtually unchanged, there was a 75% decline in 7vPCV serotype IPD in these adults (χ2trend = 11.65, P < 0.001). However, the incidence of IPD caused by non-7vPCV serotypes more than tripled in adults (χ2trend = 7.58, P = 0.006). Serotype 1 IPD has been prominent over the 9 years, but there is no evidence of a recent increase in serotype 19A IPD.Conclusions: Vaccinating Indigenous children with 7vPCV has protected Indigenous adults in north Queensland through an indirect “herd immunity” effect. However, this benefit has been offset by a recent increase in non-7vPCV IPD in Indigenous adults. Newer pneumococcal conjugate vaccines could prevent, both directly and indirectly, a considerable amount of the persisting IPD in Indigenous people in the region.

Jeffrey N Hanna MPH, FAFPHM · Jan L Humphreys · Denise M Murphy DipMedTech

It’s time for genuine partnerships as all Australians strive together to Close the Gap A year ago in this Journal, Indigenous health leaders outlined the emergent health equality campaign for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples,1 now known as the Indigenous Health Campaign or “Close the Gap”. An early indicator of the depth of support for Close the Gap was the large number of health, human rights, advocacy and community organisations that enthusiastically signed up or offered support for the campaign. Since then, the Indigenous Health Campaign coalition, led by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health leaders and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, has worked in genuine partnership with non-Indigenous organisations. Key milestones along the Close the Gap campaign journey are shown in the Box. On 20 December 2007, the Council of Australian Governments (COAG; comprising representatives of federal, state and local governments) committed to: close the life expectancy gap within a generation; halve the gap in mortality rates for Indigenous children under five within a decade; and halve the gap in reading, writing and numeracy achievements within a decade in a partnership between all levels of government and with Indigenous communities. They added: The pathway to closing the gap is inextricably linked to economic development and improved education outcomes.5 On 13 February this year, Prime Minister Rudd delivered the Apology to Australia’s Indigenous people, hopefully heralding a new and promising partnership between governments and Indigenous Australians. He stated: We today take this first step by acknowledging the past and laying claim to a future that embraces all Australians. A future where this Parliament resolves that the injustices of the past must never, never happen again. A future where we harness the determination of all Australians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to close the gap that lies between us in life expectancy, educational achievement and economic opportunity. A future where we embrace the possibility of new solutions to enduring problems where old approaches have failed. A future based on mutual respect, mutual resolve and mutual responsibility. A future where all Australians, whatever their origins, are truly equal partners, with equal opportunities and with an equal stake in shaping the next chapter in the history of this great country, Australia.6 The opportunity for every government in this country to seriously tackle the entrenched disparity and unacceptable outcomes in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health, through strong national leadership, should not be missed. It is time for a long-term approach that secures all of our futures — Indigenous and non-Indigenous — together, as a healed and healthy nation. The success of the campaign for Indigenous health equality will be measured by progress towards clearly stated goals within set timeframes. It is unacceptable to continue with the current situation, in which the health outcomes and life chances of an Indigenous child are substantially worse than those of their non-Indigenous peers. As stated in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner’s 2005 report2 (the initial trigger for the genesis of the Close the Gap campaign), it is simply not defensible for governments and health and human services systems to argue that inadequate infrastructure, bureaucratic mechanisms or persistent complexity are justifiable speed humps to real change. It also does not hold that championing the rights of human beings is contrary to health gain. The outcomes of the National Indigenous Health Equality Summit will be delivered by June 2008 to the Australian Government and COAG. The Summit deliberations will not only provide governments with a set of specific evidence-based targets for action and investment, but affirm the commitment to genuine partnership by signing the Statement of Intent (Box).8 A whole-of-government response across all levels of government is necessary to address the social determinants of health. COAG’s commitment to employment, education, housing and health are strong indicators of such commitment. The time for genuine partnerships is now; that is, partnerships that strengthen us all in mutually respectful and sustaining ways. Medical bodies, including the Royal Australasian College of Physicians, Royal Australian College of General Practitioners, Australian College of Rural and Remote Medicine, Australian General Practice Network and the Australian Medical Association, have been key partners in this campaign. We must not allow “Close the Gap” to become another shallow slogan. It is a glaring reminder of the continuing inequity in health and life outcomes within this wealthy nation of ours. The commitment to act now — to guarantee a future where Indigenous health inequality is a thing of the past — requires concerted, tangible and immediate action. Our call is for current and future medical leaders to show their commitment by doing what they can within their area of influence and expertise. Key milestones along the “Close the Gap” journey

Tamara Mackean BSc (Med), MB BS · Mick Adams BSocWk, MAppSci, PhD · Sally Goold RN, DipNEd, MNSt · Christopher Bourke BDSc, GradDipPublicHealth, GradDipClinDent · Tom Calma