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Changing Healthcare
Complementary therapies: the appeal to general practitioners
Heather L Eastwood
MJA 2000; 173: 95-98
Abstract -
Reasons for GPs' use of CAM -
Clinical legitimacy -
Ideological motivations -
Postmodernisation -
Postmodern values -
References -
Authors' details
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More articles on General practice and primary care
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Abstract |
- Pragmatism -- among consumers seeking a cure and among general
practitioners seeking clinical results and more patients -- is not a
complete explanation for the burgeoning of complementary and
alternative medicine (CAM) in Western societies. Instead, this
growth is substantially a result of pervasive and rapid social
change, alternatively termed 'globalisation' and
'postmodernisation'.
- Globalisation and postmodernisation are creating a new social
reality, of which a prominent characteristic is the proliferation of
consumer choice.
- GPs are enmeshed in this social change and subject to the trend to
greater choice -- both their patients' and their own. On the one hand,
GPs are reacting to social change as "economic pragmatists",
responding to consumers' increasing demand for CAM. On the other
hand, GPs themselves are acting as agents of social change by
acknowledging the limitations of orthodox biomedical treatments
and promoting CAM as part of their service delivery.
- Lack of scientific validation of CAM has not prevented GPs' use of
such therapies. The phrase "clinical legitimacy" can be seen as a
trump card that overrides "scientific legitimacy". It is the
shibboleth of a postmodern movement among GPs towards healing and the
"art" of medicine, as opposed to the "science" of medicine per
se.
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Recent articles and editorials in the Journal1-3 have highlighted the
increasing demand for complementary and alternative medicine (CAM)
by Australians, and its provision by general practitioners (GPs).
The findings of Pirotta et al that 1 in 5 Victorian GPs are using CAM in
their practice1 support earlier data of the
Royal Australian College of General Practitioners that 1 in 6
Australian GPs employed some form of CAM.4 A secondary analysis of
Health Insurance Commission data indicates that about 1 in 7 GPs in
Australia use acupuncture.5 CAM is a billion-dollar
industry in Australia, and a multibillion-dollar industry
globally.6-8 Pirotta and others have
emphasised the need for further research into the reasons behind GPs'
use of CAM.
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Reasons for GPs' use of CAM | |
My research in this area -- a qualitative study involving GPs and
alternative practitioners (see Box) -- produced two main
explanations for the increasing use by GPs of CAM.9 The first is that
GPs are responding to increasing consumer demand for these therapies
because of their clinical success. The second and more contentious
finding is that consumers are demanding, and GPs are using, these
therapies because of factors beyond clinical success -- factors
related to globalisation and the characteristics of the global
market. These market characteristics include increased consumer
choice,10 increased competition
among providers, a resultant power shift from provider to
consumer,11 and a return to and
commercialisation of nature, history, and tradition.12
The GPs I interviewed cited reasons for incorporating CAM into their
practices that fall into three broad categories:13
Last resort: The use of or referral to practitioners
of CAM to treat patients with chronic conditions unresponsive to
orthodox medicine.
Integrated approach: A considered choice to regularly
incorporate CAM, in addition to orthodox biomedical therapies.
Ideological conversion: The adoption of CAM as the main
treatment practice. GPs who fall into this category also tend to use
diagnostic techniques similar to those of alternative
practitioners.13
The prevalence of the last two categories, at least among the GPs I have
interviewed formally and conversed with informally, contradicts
the conclusion by Bensoussan, in a Journal editorial,3 that simple
pragmatism -- among both patients and doctors -- adequately accounts
for the dramatic increase in the use of CAM.
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Clinical legitimacy | |
Bensoussan, rightly and with apt humour, criticises recent articles
that narrowly attribute patient demand for CAM to "postmodern" or
"new age" values usurping scientific rationalism. He notes that a
considerable segment of the medical profession has recognised this
consumer demand, and that chronic sufferers and the elderly account
for a large portion of the patients who request or accept CAM. He
suggests that common sense indicates that medical practitioners,
the elderly, and the chronically ill are not likely to embrace the
naivety of "new age" thought or the jargonistic obscurity of
postmodernism;3 instead, Bensoussan and
others suggest that simple pragmatism among both doctors and
patients provides a more satisfactory explanation for the dramatic
increase in the use of CAM.3,14
Other writers have coined the term "clinical legitimacy" (see
Glossary) to explain the links among consumer demand, pragmatism,
and increased GP provision of CAM. That is to say, CAM is effective,
particularly in the treatment of chronic conditions, regardless of
the lack of scientific explanation or validation. This clinical
success, aside from gratifying both patient and doctor, ensures
continuing consumer demand, and thereby increases the financial
viability of GPs who incorporate CAM, whether directly or through
referrals.14
Data from my research show that GPs acknowledge that, regardless of
the deficit of scientific evidence for how or why, CAM does achieve
clinical results.
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Ideological motivations | |
GPs note that, in addition to being pragmatic, their patients want
healthcare options, and some are indeed ideological in their
increasing demand for "natural" therapies and their concomitant
mistrust of pharmaceuticals and invasive surgery, a phenomenon
described by one GP interviewed as the "greening of
medicine".9
GPs who offer CAM are keenly aware of this demand for "natural"
therapy, and clearly do respond partly as pragmatists catering to
consumer demand. However, my interviews reveal that GPs are not
acting entirely as economic rationalists responding to market
forces. GPs who resort to CAM, like their patients, are often
ideological in their motivations. Many are genuinely disillusioned
with their biomedical training and with the reality of general
practice. They are genuinely seeking a more rewarding approach to
primary healthcare, for themselves as well as their patients. For
example, some GPs recommend CAM even to patients who prefer or expect
synthetic drugs -- a practice described by one doctor interviewed as
"good medicine", particularly in light of antibiotic
overprescribing.13
Therefore, while my findings validate the roles of both therapeutic
and market pragmatism in the increasing use of CAM by Australian GPs,
these same findings suggest that this increase involves factors
beyond simple pragmatism. The interview data support the
sociological hypothesis that a broad cultural shift is occurring in
late capitalist societies such as Australia, the United States, the
United Kingdom and Western Europe, and GPs, like consumers, are not
immune to this sweeping social change.15-17 Arguably, GPs who use
CAM are not just influenced by this social change, they contribute to
it.
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Postmodernisation | |
Social scientists use the term postmodernisation -- which
incorporates globalisation processes -- to designate fundamental
changes occurring within Western societies, of which the inclusion
of CAM into mainstream healthcare is a part. Bensoussan notes that
factors in the globalisation processes include:
- increasing public
access to information;
- increasing sensitivity towards traditional cultural practices;
and
- increasing openness to traditional medicines, for example
traditional Chinese medicine.3
Another aspect of globalisation is concern about the ecological
crisis, which has contributed to a "return to nature" within Western
societies. Postmodernisation theorists point to this trend -- the
return to nature -- as a key determinant in the historical shift from
modernity to postmodernity. The return to "natural" medicines is a
part of this trend and of globalisation processes
generally.18
In Western societies, the effects of globalisation, along with the
postmodernist movement, are creating a new social reality (ie,
postmodernity), one that has created a greater awareness and, for
some, greater appreciation of other cultures, which historically
have used traditional medicines.12 Postmodernism has
attacked the philosophical foundations that underpin the modernist
worldview, including the belief that science, particularly medical
science, holds the key to a utopian world "free of disease and
inequality".19 All the GPs and
alternative practitioners I interviewed advocated more scientific
research into CAMs. However, the effects of globalisation processes
and postmodernism are contributing to a new, relativistic,
postmodernist worldview whereby both doctors and consumers see
biomedicine as only one road to health and wellbeing -- not
necessarily a dead-end road, but also not a freeway.9
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Postmodern values | |
Bensoussan rightly critiques facile resorts to postmodernism to
portray increased consumer demand for CAM as a rejection of medical
science in favour of individualist, "new age" values.3 Yet he and others
fail to recognise adequately that the process of postmodernisation
contributes to the rise of new values, values that are no longer an
"alternative ideology" but are increasingly mainstream values.
Moreover, CAM is being commercialised and aggressively marketed, an
outcome predicted by globalisation and postmodernisation
theory,12,18,20 and a far cry from a
starry-eyed conversion to "new age" values.3 Benoussan notes that one
does not have to adopt postmodern values to use CAM, but rather that we
live in an age in which people shop around for healthcare
services.3 No doubt this is true, but
increased consumer choice -- the ability to shop around -- is itself a
postmodern value. A fundamental premise of postmodernisation
theory is that globalisation and the commercialisation of
traditional culture, including healthcare, increases diversity in
the market place and thereby increases consumer options.10,12,20
Market forces aside, a surprising number of the GPs interviewed were
openly critical of their biomedical training and their perceived
role in general practice as "technocrats" rather than "healers". As a
result, GPs are seeking new avenues of specialisation and
professional development. To reiterate, GPs who offer CAM are, like
their patients, not only pragmatic but also ideological in their
incorporation of CAM. Many of these GPs acknowledge the limitations
of biomedical and synthetic pharmaceutical treatments. The lack of
scientific evidence for CAM does not appear to have constrained these
developments. In fact, my research revealed that GPs often
legitimise their use of CAM -- in addition to citing clinical
legitimacy -- by citing the history and tradition underlying these
treatments.9 This return to tradition,
history, and roots is a prominent aspect of
postmodernisation.12,18 It is of considerable
interest that the Australian Therapeutic Goods Administration has
specified two major categories of evidence for complementary
therapies: (1) scientific evidence, and (2) evidence based on
traditional use of a substance or product.21
Despite the obvious weakness of much "postmodernist" literature on
CAM, to dismiss postmodern theory outright is limiting and
misleading. The following may serve to illustrate the effect of
globalisation and postmodernisation upon Western health systems.
Remarkably, these comments come from a GP who attended the
Alternative Medicines Summit (organised by the Commonwealth
Department of Health and Family Services) held in Canberra on 16
October 1996. This summit, the first of its kind, was attended by
medical as well as alternative practitioners. In reporting events,
the representative for the medical practitioners
wrote:
I felt the tone of the day's proceedings was one
of "us versus them". Inasmuch as "natural and complementary
practitioners" were seen as a distinct alternative to orthodox
practitioners, particularly in cases of serious illnesses. Indeed,
one speaker during the day indicated that as it was an Alternative
Medicines Summit, orthodox doctors present should really be in only
an observer capacity. There was no integration going on, rather the
attitude was one of them seeking status as practitioners of the "new
medicine", and control of their therapies.22
Note the dramatic contrast to the relationship between orthodox and
alternative medical practice in modernity. Orthodox doctors are now
concerned about being excluded from the "new medicine" practised by
alternative practitioners rather than vice versa. The same doctor
went on to conclude:
There is a paradigm shift,
occurring in health from within, that reflects a societal evolution,
unstoppable by anyone. How to integrate all these practitioners, or
even if it is desirable to, is a question that still perplexes me. There
seems to be no one universal model, thus it becomes an exercise in
lobbying for market share, and seeking, for example, inclusion in
Medicare.22
With all due respect to common sense, simple pragmatism and clinical
legitimacy, this type of sea change requires globally informed,
forward-looking sophistication in the area of policy. For example,
Duckett has noted that Australian health financing arrangements
have not kept pace with a population that is embracing natural
therapies. He opines that, as a society, "we may be over-investing in
services for which there is a Medicare rebate and under-investing in
other more effective or cost-effective services".23 Within the
climate of evidence-based medicine, this observation invites the
controversial question Based on evidence, who achieves the more
cure-effective and cost-effective results: GPs who use exclusively
orthodox treatments, GPs who incorporate CAM, or traditionally
trained practitioners who use only CAM?.
As things stand, any answer invites the truly urgent question Who
regulates what, and how?.
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References |
- Pirotta MV, Cohen MM, Kotsirilos V, Farish SJ. Complementary
therapies: have they become accepted in general practice? Med J
Aust 2000; 172: 105-109.
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Lewith G. Complementary and alternative medicine: an
educational, attitudinal and research challenge [editorial].
Med J Aust 2000; 172: 102-103.
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Bensoussan A. Complementary medicine -- where lies its appeal?
Med J Aust 1999; 170: 247-248.
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Services Division RACGP. Directory of RACGP Members and their
Special Interests. Surry Hills: New Litho Pty Ltd. 1996.
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Easthope G, Beilby J, Gill G, Tranter B. Acupuncture in Australian
general practice: practitioner characteristics. Med J Aust
1999; 169: 197-200.
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MacLennan AH, Wilson DH, Taylor AW. Prevalence and cost of
alternative medicine in Australia. Lancet 1996; 347:
569-573.
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Eisenburg DM, Davis RB, Ettner SL, et al. Trends in alternative
medicine use in the United States, 1990-1997. JAMA 1998; 280:
1569-1575.
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Complementary medicine is booming worldwide [news]. BMJ
1996; 313: 131-133.
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Eastwood H. Why are Australian general practitioners using
alternative medicine? Postmodernisation, consumerism, and the
shift towards holistic health. J Sociol 2000; in press.
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Featherstone M. Consumer Culture and Postmodernism.
London: Sage, 1991.
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Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care. Reforming
the Australian Health Care System. The Role of
Government. Occasional papers: New Series No. 1. Canberra:
Publications Production Unit, 1999.
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Robertson R. Globalization: Social Theory and Culture.
New York: Sage Publications, 1992.
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Eastwood H. General Medical Practice, Alternative Medicine
and the Globalisation of Health [unpublished doctoral thesis].
Brisbane: University of Queensland, 1997.
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Willis E. Complementary healers. In: Illness and Social
Relations. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1994; 54-74.
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Fisher P, Ward A. Complementary medicine in Europe. BMJ
1994; 309: 107-311.
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Pietroni P. Beyond the boundaries: relationship between general
practice and complementary medicine. BMJ 1992; 305:
564-565.
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Goldszmidt M, Levitt C, Duarte-Franco F, Kacorowski J.
Complementary health care services: a survey of general
practitioners' views. CMAJ 1995; 153: 29-35.
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Crook S, Pakulski J, Waters M. Postmodernisation: Changes in
Advanced Society. London: Sage Publications, 1992.
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Chan JJ, Chan JE. Medicine for the millennium: the challenge of
postmodernism. Med J Aust 2000; 172: 332-334.
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Waters M. Globalization. New York: Routledge, 1996.
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Complementary Medicines Evaluation Committee's guide to levels
and kinds of evidence to support claims. Canberra; Commonwealth
Department of Health and Aged Care, 2000. Available at
<http://www.health.gov.au/tga/docs/pdf/
tgaccevi.pdf>.
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Integrative Medicine Association. IMA Newsletter,
Issue 6, December. 1996.
-
Duckett S. Policy challenges for the Australian Health Care
system. Aust Health Review 1999; 22: 130-147.
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Authors' details | |
Department of Social and Preventive Medicine, University of
Queensland, Brisbane, QLD.
Heather L Eastwood, PhD, BA(Hons), Lecturer.
Reprints will not be available from the author. Correspondence:
Dr H L Eastwood, Department of Social and Preventive Medicine,
Herston Medical School, University of Queensland, QLD 4072.
h.eastwoodATspmed.uq.edu.au
©MJA 2000
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Summary of the study of why general practitioners (GPs) use complementary and alternative medicine (CAM)9,13
Participants: GPs (n=27); alternative practitioners without a medical degree (n=17); GPs and alternative practitioners who represent key educational and political organisations
(n=16). All practitioners were located in Brisbane, QLD.
Methods: Qualitative, telephone and face-to-face in-depth interviews, observation, and primary document analysis.
Findings: Increased resort by GPs to CAM is not entirely pragmatic. It is partly due to factors beyond consumer demand, clinical effectiveness and financial reward. GPs attribute consumer demand for CAM to increased consumer wariness of synthetic drugs and invasive surgery, greater consumer choice, and a more educated public. GPs' own reasons for their provision of CAM include competition in the healthcare market; personal dissatisfaction with general practice; personal satisfaction gained through the clinical effectiveness of CAM; resistance to becoming "technocrats" rather than "healers"; recognition of the limitations of orthodox biomedical treatments; and concern, genuinely shared with patients, about over-reliance on synthetic drugs and invasive surgery.
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Glossary
Clinical legitimacy: Validation conferred by the clinical effectiveness of a given treatment with or without scientific evidence as to why or how it works.
Globalisation: The "shrinking planet" phenomenon, caused by dramatic advances in transportation and communications and by increasing ecological and economic interdependence, encouraging the concept that the whole world is but a single, albeit very large and complex, community.
Globalisation processes: The many and varied inputs to social change in Western societies (ie, postmodernisation), which include (1) a "return to nature" arising from ecological concerns; (2) a return to tradition, history and "roots"; and (3) greater awareness and appreciation of other cultures.
Postmodernisation: A sociological term denoting the broad social change occurring in Western societies. The term refers to those processes that are changing modern Western society and its values, organisation, and institutions (modernity) to a new social reality (postmodernity).
Postmodernism: A confusing term, referring to the ideological movement that attacks the philosophical foundations of modernity and the modernist worldview based on the assumption that science, technology and reason will create the optimal society. Postmodernism can also refer to the creation, via contemporary social change (ie, postmodernisation), of a new mainstream culture and concomitant "postmodern" values, such as consumer choice (eg, shopping around for health services), independence from scientific and technological products (eg, rejection of, or concern about, genetically modified foods and synthetic drugs), and increased public access to information (eg, the Internet).
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