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Asylum seekers and healthcare
Psychological disturbances in asylum seekers held in long term
detention: a participant-observer account
Confinement in immigration detention centres for extended periods
of time can have severe, psychologically disabling effects on asylum
seekers. Aamer Sultan is a medical practitioner who fled
persecution in Iraq after providing casualty medical care to Shiite
Muslim rebels. He has been detained in the Villawood Detention
Centre, Sydney, since May 1999, as his claim for protection under the
United Nations Convention has not been endorsed by Australian
authorities. He can not be returned to Iraq because Australia
currently has no diplomatic ties with Iraq and no international
flights go to Iraq. As a health professional and a bilingual
Arabic/English speaker, he has acted as a confidant for many
detainees. His observations are supplemented by those of clinical
psychologist Kevin O'Sullivan, who provided psychological
treatment for over 50 asylum seekers during a recent 12-month
contract with the same detention centre.
Aamer Sultan and Kevin O'Sullivan
MJA 2001; 175: 593-596
For editorial comment, see Steel and Silove
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Abstract -
The environment of detention -
Refugee assessment process -
Cumulative effects on the mental state of asylum seekers -
Effect on children -
Survey of detainees at Villawood -
Conclusions -
Authors' details
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- The process of applying for refugee status in Australia is complex,
lengthy and often poorly understood by asylum seekers.
- The psychological reaction patterns of detainees whose claims for
asylum are unsuccessful are characterised by stages of increasing
depression, punctuated by periods of protest, as feelings of
injustice overwhelm them. These reactions have a marked secondary
impact on their children in detention.
- The prolonged detention of asylum seekers appears to cause serious
psychological harm. Even if many of those who spend long periods of
time are not deemed to have proven their refugee claims, this
administrative decision should not be grounds for inflicting grave
ongoing psychological injury on the applicants.
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Most of the asylum seekers detained at Villawood Detention Centre
come from developing countries ruled by oppressive regimes with poor
human rights records. Many have been victims of State-organised
violence, including torture and other forms of inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment, or have family members who have suffered
such abuses. Thus, they are at high risk of the range of post-traumatic
psychological reactions widely documented among victims of mass
trauma and organised violence. These background issues are relevant
to the understanding of the impact of detention on asylum seekers'
psychological state.
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On arrival in Australia, most asylum seekers hold strongly to the
belief that their applications for protection are legitimate and
most are confident that a just society such as Australia will accept
the veracity of their claims for refugee status. After transfer to a
detention centre, several factors converge to undermine this faith
and hence the psychological stability of the asylum seeker. The most
threatening aspect is loss of liberty for an indeterminate period of
time — detention without trial imposed on people fleeing injustice
in a context where no crime has been committed.
The average length of detention in Villawood in February 2001 was six
months, although the duration varies from individual to individual
and, for some, may extend for longer periods of time, with no maximum
limit on the period of detention. Lengthier detention is
particularly common for detainees who appeal against adverse
decisions about their refugee status, or those who are unable to be
deported from Australia (because they are stateless or from
countries with no diplomatic ties with Australia, particularly
Afghanistan and Iraq).
The physical environment at Villawood is intimidating in a number of
respects. Each compound is surrounded by multiple layers of high
fencing topped and grounded by razor wire. All visitors must pass
through high security checkpoints. Within the detention centre,
there are multiple daily musters and nightly head counts, which may
occur at 2 AM and 5.30 AM. The public address system, which operates
almost continuously from 7 AM to 9 PM, is also disturbing. For most of
the previous two years, there has been a general dearth of activities,
resources, or educational materials, leaving detainees with long
periods of unstructured time. Despite recent improvements,
boredom, aimlessness and apathy are widespread, particularly among
those who have been detained for longer periods of time.
At times, we have observed harsh and uncompassionate handling of
asylum seekers by staff. Detainees are routinely handcuffed during
transportation to and from the facility for medical or legal
appointments. Access to medical services sometimes has to be
negotiated through correctional centre staff, especially after
hours or during security incidents. Detainees may then
perceive medical practitioners as being aligned with the detaining
authorities and are concerned that this may hinder them in acting in
their best interests. Concerns have been raised about doctors
authorising sedative medication for containment and removal of
detainees rather than for genuine medical reasons. Multiple
complaints have been lodged by detainees with the Commonwealth
Ombudsman, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, and
the NSW Health Care Complaints Commission about inadequacies in
medical and dental care. Apart from official hearings and
interviews, interpreter services are not generally available,
leaving detainees with poor English isolated and unable to
communicate.
During crisis periods, such as when hunger strikes or breakouts
occur, detainees have been confined for long periods in their rooms,
and denied access to phones, faxes, postal services, and visitors.
The rules governing daily life seem arbitrary, changing from time to
time, and from one detention officer to another. Some detainees have
suffered intimidation and reprisals after acts of advocacy, protest
or revolt. Authorities have instituted room searches, confinement
in solitary cells, restrictions in receiving visitors, and
obstacles to accessing legal representation or medical care. During
a hunger strike in July 2000, all electrical power and water supplies
to the cell block where the hunger strikers were residing were
cut-off, affecting uninvolved women and children. As a consequence
of these inhumane actions, the atmosphere at Villawood leads to fear,
despondency and frustration.
It is within this context that the refugee determination process is
undertaken. It is soon apparent to all detainees that their future
depends on the procedures established to test their refugee claims,
but the complex mechanisms and the legal processes applied are poorly
understood by most asylum seekers. Given the context and conditions
of their detention, asylum seekers find it difficult to distinguish
between the authority of the company managing the detention centre
(Australasian Correctional Management) and that of the Department
of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs in reaching decisions
about their refugee claims. It is a widely held belief by detainees
that every action within the detention centre may be observed and may
critically influence the outcome of refugee claims. This belief
appears to be covertly encouraged by those operating the facility to
increase their control over the detainees.
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In their testimonies and at interviews, asylum seekers have to
recount in detail the most distressing moments of their lives,
testimony that may be treated with doubt, suspicion and incredulity.
It is little wonder that memories for details become blurred under
such pressure, yet inconsistencies in accounts are often cited as the
reason for rejecting a claim. Those people whose claims are rejected
at this primary (Department of Immigration and Multicultural
Affairs — DIMA) stage can appeal to the Refugee Review Tribunal
(RRT). If the claim is rejected by the Tribunal, recent legislation
has removed any right of judicial review. The final resort is to appeal
to the Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs for
humanitarian consideration. Few of these appeals receive
compassionate outcomes. (For a summary of the stages of application
for protection visas, see Smith.)
As the period of detention continues, life is increasingly
punctuated by feelings of loss and grief arising from the release of
compatriots who have been successful in their refugee claims or the
forcible removal from Australia of those who have been unsuccessful.
These stresses are combined with the ever-present anxiety about the
wellbeing of family members left behind. Some may experience guilt
for having left their family to secure their own survival and
protection, for not yet being able to work and send money home to assist
their family, and for not being able to sponsor them to the safety of
Australia.
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Our observations suggest that there may be some common themes in the
psychological reaction patterns of detainees over time. Each
successive stage is associated with increasing levels of distress
and psychological disability.
Non-symptomatic stage: During the early months of
detention, before the primary refugee determination decision, the
detainee is shocked and dismayed at being detained, but these
feelings are mitigated by an unwavering hope that confinement will be
short-lived and that their claim will be upheld.
Primary depressive stage: This follows the receipt
of a negative decision by DIMA and the realisation by detainees that
they face a serious threat of forcible repatriation or detention for
an indeterminate period, or both. The clinical presentation is
consistent with a major depressive disorder, with the severity
closely related to pre-existing risk factors, such as premigration
exposure to trauma or personal predisposition to depression. There
may also be a reactivation or exacerbation of any pre-existing
post-traumatic stress reactions from past abuses (eg, torture,
incarceration in political prisons and other forms of persecution).
The sense of injustice overwhelms many detainees, who enter a
"primary revolt stage" of non-compliance and non-conformity. The
nature of the revolt varies: some become protesters (engaging in
hunger strikes and other non-violent demonstrations); others
become advocates (attempting to raise public awareness about the
realities of detention); and some become aggressors (engaging in
confrontations, riots, detainee-guard conflict and interdetainee
violence).
Secondary depressive stage: This typically
follows the rejection of the asylum seeker's application by the
Refugee Review Tribunal, the ultimate administrative level. The
timing of this final rejection may vary, but generally occurs between
six and 18 months after first being detained. This stage is associated
with a more severe and debilitating depressive reaction, with a
greater level of psychomotor retardation and/or agitation. There is
a marked narrowing of focus to issues of self-preservation and
survival and an overwhelming feeling of impending doom. Whereas
before most asylum seekers confided in others about their personal
lives and their concerns for family left behind, communication about
these issues ceases almost entirely. Some asylum seekers will also
enter into a secondary revolt stage that is less aggressive and
largely associated with passive, non-compliant resistance and
attempts to escape. Many asylum seekers will remain in this secondary
depressive stage for the duration of their detention, but a
significant number appear to progress to an even more serious state of
debilitation.
Tertiary depressive stage: At this stage the
detainee's mental state is dominated by hopelessness, passive
acceptance and an overwhelming fear of being targeted or punished by
the managing authorities. Affected detainees become self-obsessed
and trapped in their predicament. Ties to other detainees that were
once strong become fragmentary and in some cases disintegrate. There
is a significant and chronic impairment in concentration, with
detainees being unable to perform even simple tasks. The detainee's
life can become dominated by paranoid tendencies, leaving them in a
chronic state of fear and apprehension and a feeling that no one,
including other detainees, can be trusted. Long periods of time are
spent alone and some develop frankly psychotic symptoms, such as
delusions, ideas of reference and auditory hallucinations. Chronic
rage and resentment are directed at the detaining country and the host
government. The most disturbed engage in self-stimulatory,
stereotypic behaviours, such as repetitive rocking or aimless
wandering. Postures and facial expression are consistently
downcast and affected detainees may appear to be disengaged or
dissociated from their physical environment. Some engage in
repeated acts of self-harm or self-mutilation leading to acute
hospital admissions.
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Between 10 and 50 children are held at Villawood at any one time. The
detention environment, exposure to actions such as hunger strikes,
demonstrations, episodes of self-harm and suicide attempts, and
forcible-removal procedures, all impact on a child's sense of
security and stability. A secondary effect is mediated via the
parents, whose ability to provide a caring and nurturing environment
is progressively undermined as they pass through the stages outlined
above, with risk of neglect and physical abuse of dependent children
increasing across the course of detention. Following allegations of
child sexual abuse at the Woomera centre, detaining authorities have
increased their monitoring of parents at Villawood for evidence of
negligence and abuse, leading to parental fears of their children
being removed, which has further increased family insecurity. At
times, children have also become negotiating pawns in attempts to
contain protests within the detention centre. For example, on a
number of occasions, the authorities have separated children from
their parents to pressure adults to cease their hunger strikes.
A wide range of psychological disturbances are commonly observed
among children in the detention centre, including separation
anxiety, disruptive conduct, nocturnal enuresis, sleep
disturbances, nightmares and night terrors, sleepwalking, and
impaired cognitive development. At the most severe end of the
spectrum, a number of children have displayed profound symptoms of
psychological distress, including mutism, stereotypic
behaviours, and refusal to eat or drink. Children of parents who reach
the tertiary depressive stage appear to be particularly vulnerable
to developing a range of psychological disorders.
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To support some of our participant-observer accounts, in August 2001
one of us (A S) conducted a survey of detainees who had been held for over
nine months. Of the 37 people meeting this criterion, 33 agreed
verbally to participate in the survey and to allow the results to be
reported.
The survey consisted of a semi-structured interview based on
previous observations. As most of these detainees had been held in
Villawood since their arrival in Australia, A S was able to
corroborate much of the information from his own longitudinal
observations of each participant.
The detainees originated from 10 countries, with most being from
Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran and the former Yugoslavia. The average
period of continuous detention was two years, with the longest period
being three years and 10 months. Most were men (85%), and over half were
married (55%), with most of these being separated from their spouses
on fleeing to Australia. Despite rejection of their refugee claims,
over half reported being victims of gross human rights violations
before arriving in Australia, enduring abuses such as physical
torture (58%) and the murder or disappearance of immediate family
members (30%).
All but one of the detained asylum seekers displayed symptoms of
psychological distress at some time. At the time of the survey, 85%
acknowledged chronic depressive symptoms, with 65% having
pronounced suicidal ideation. Close to half the group had reached the
more severe tertiary depressive stage. Seven individuals exhibited
signs of psychosis, including delusional beliefs of a persecutory
nature, ideas of reference and auditory hallucinations. Due to the
severity of their psychological symptoms, hospitalisation has been
recommended for some of these people by the centre health staff, but
authorities have not approved this, except in medical emergencies
after incidents involving self-harm. A few have been deported
without receiving any appropriate care.
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In drawing conclusions, we acknowledge the limitations of our
report. A S is faced with the same challenges that other detainees
encounter and it might be claimed that he is motivated to advocate not
only for others but also for himself. The only counterargument we can
offer is our commitment to reporting our observations in what we
consider to be as objective and truthful a manner as possible. The
observations are broadly consistent with those of other health and
mental health professionals who work with detainees, either within
the detention environment or on their release from detention.
It is therefore difficult to avoid the conclusion that the policy of
mandatory detention of asylum seekers is leading to serious
psychological harm. Even if many of those who spend long periods of
time in detention are not deemed by the strict criteria enforced to
have proven their refugee claims, this administrative decision
should not be grounds for inflicting grave ongoing psychological
injury on the applicants.
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Aamer Sultan, MB ChB, Immigration Detainee, Villawood
Detention Centre.
Kevin O'Sullivan, BSc, PhL, DipClinPsychol, Former
Visiting Clinical Psycologist, Villawood Detention Centre.
Reprints will not be available from the authors. Correspondence: Dr A
Sultan, Villawood Detention Centre, Villawood, NSW 2163.
©MJA 2001
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| Survey of 33 detainees at Villawood Detention
Centre |
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| Questionnaire items |
No. of detainees |
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| Demographic Information |
| Average period of detention in Australia,
2.1 years |
Males
Females
Married
Single |
28
5
18
15 |
| Premigration trauma exposure |
|
History of physical torture
Murder or disappearance of immediate
family member(s) |
19
9 |
| Symptoms during first six months of detention |
|
Sleep problems
Regular nightmares
Loss of libido
Anhedonia
Feelings of intense bitterness
Adoption of a non-conforming approach to
detaining authorities
Psychological symptoms, requiring psychotropic
medication (primarily, antidepressants) |
32
32
32
31
26
22
19 |
| Current mental state |
|
Chronic feelings of helplessness
Bitterness towards authorities
Chronic depressive symptoms
Chronic headache
Impaired memory and concentration
Suicidal ideation
Stuttering
Delusions of a paranoid nature
Psychosis |
31
30
28
27
25
23
13
13
7 |
| Stage of observed functioning |
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Not symptomatic
Primary depressive stage
Secondary depressive stage
Tertiary depressive stage |
1
4
12
16 |
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