Medicine and the Community The perpetrators of domestic violence | ![]() | ||
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Sarah E Romans, Marion R Poore and Judy L Martin
MJA 2000; 173: 484-488 Abstract -
Our understanding -
Why? -
Who? -
Problems with research -
What can be done? -
Issues -
Treatment -
How effective? -
Conclusions -
References -
Authors' details
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Abstract |
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"Domestic violence is an abuse of power. It is the domination,
coercion, intimidation and victimisation of one person by another by
physical, sexual or emotional means within intimate
relationships."1
We have adopted this definition of domestic violence as we feel it highlights the distortion of human relationships where one partner exerts excessive control over the other, and properly stresses the emotional as well as physical damage done. While this article focuses on partner abuse against women, who are most commonly the victims, we acknowledge that women may also be perpetrators of domestic violence. | |||
Recent developments in our understanding of domestic violence | |||
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Most of the major advances in domestic violence research and
management have dealt with victims. The past 30 years have seen proper
recognition of the impossible situation of many victims and the
development of "safe houses" and treatment facilities for women and
their children. We also now have a clear analysis of the patriarchal
societal attitudes that permit domestic violence (see Box
1).8,9
Much less has been done for perpetrators, who also need help, although their behaviour is much less likely to elicit compassion or understanding. The latest challenge for health and law professionals concerned with domestic violence is to deal effectively with perpetrators, without being pessimistic about the real difficulties in changing their violent behaviour. We disagree with those who argue that resources should not be channelled into developing batterers' programs because this diverts resources from effective services for battered women.9 Medicine often has to be proactive and political if the health of the community is to be improved. | |||
Why do perpetrators commit domestic violence? | |||
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To understand why domestic violence occurs, we need to examine the
psychological makeup and background of perpetrators and the natural
history of those who develop non-violent ways of handling the
conflict inherent in close interpersonal relationships. Violence
towards women occurs in a specific cultural context of
discrimination against women, in which control by many means,
including physical aggression, has been tolerated and often
legitimised.8 However, discriminatory
attitudes do not fully explain violence against women, as not all men
raised in such cultures are violent.
Men may show violence when they feel threatened or attacked by some interaction with their partner that touches on an area of low self-esteem. The interrelated pressures, internal and external, which can create a perpetrator of domestic violence are shown in Box 2. | |||
Who perpetrates domestic violence? | |||
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Most perpetrators of domestic violence are men. While surveys
typically show that 20%-30% of men have committed at least one act of
physical violence in the previous year,8 the number who regularly use
psychologically abusive, controlling violence (ie, who fit the
pattern of "perpetrators") is much smaller -- perhaps 5% of partnered
men.2
Perpetrators may fall into one of three types:10
Men who commit domestic violence are more likely to be young, unemployed, and in casual or de facto relationships rather than legal marriages; they are likely to have witnessed violence as children in their own families;3 and they may have a range of psychiatric problems ranging from depression to substance misuse.8 Many perpetrators are violent under the influence of alcohol but a substantial proportion are violent even when sober.5 It is important to remember that most men experiencing negative pressures will not be physically aggressive. The intergenerational and social transmission of violence, although influential, can be avoided. Impulses to violence are mediated by the perpetrator's attitudes, which are formed by the sum total of past experiences. | |||
Problems with research on perpetrators | |||
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Published research on perpetrators has been variable in quality.
Methodological deficiencies include biased samples (often using
only those perpetrators who have been referred for treatment),
retrospective designs, and inadequate or absent control groups.
Gortner and colleagues have made a strong plea for including
control-group subjects who have non-violent but unhappy
relationships.8
Results generated by research instruments such as the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS)11 can distort our understanding of domestic violence. These studies, which rely on counts of aggressive acts (slaps, kicks and punches), find that women are as violent towards their partners as men.5 However, such studies fail to consider the degree of force inflicted, disparity in size, and the psychological power wielded by those who have control of income and resources. In two substudies on partner violence involving a cohort of nearly 1000 men and women, questions about partner violence were asked in two separate interviews. One, using the CTS, found equal male-female rates of aggressive behaviour during interpersonal disagreements.12,13 The other, which asked about physical assault by partners, identified three times as many male partners as females as the aggressors.5 While women do perpetrate domestic violence, especially emotional violence, in both heterosexual and same-sex relationships, the greatest need, on a numerical basis, is to identify and intervene with male offenders. | |||
What can be done with perpetrators? | |||
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There are several steps in effective intervention, and health
professionals should be involved in each. They need to recognise
domestic violence and identify the perpetrator; to understand (but
not excuse) the perpetrator's actions; and to provide effective
management for both victim and perpetrator.
Health professionals can break the cycle of domestic violence by providing opportunities for patients to discuss violence and making appropriate referrals for both victims and perpetrators. Doctors can raise the subject with patients in a number of ways:
One general practitioner reported that wearing a button stating his personal opposition to domestic violence dramatically increased his patients' willingness to discuss the issue.15 GPs may be reluctant to deal with domestic violence issues (see Box 3), but ignoring domestic violence is essentially an act of collusion with the perpetrator and is not a neutral action. In order to be able to broach the subject with a perpetrator, a GP needs to have some empathy with the perpetrator's situation and confidence that some benefit can come from initiating discussion of the topic. Few perpetrators presenting to doctors identify domestic violence as "the problem". They tend to minimise their violence or deny it altogether, and their behaviour is notoriously difficult to change.9 Those who do present need support in their decision, encouragement to take responsibility for their actions and referral for help (see Box 4). The majority will present in a situation of crisis. They may have been directed by a court to attend a rehabilitation course, or their partner may be threatening to leave or have already left the relationship. Other clinical situations that may alert doctors to the possibility of partner abuse include drug- and alcohol-related problems, stress-related situations and depressive illness. A past history of childhood abuse is also a possible indicator, as is any new relationship where stepchildren are involved. In managing these time-consuming and often stressful consultations, consideration of the safety of female victims and children is paramount, while responsibility for domestic violence should be placed on the perpetrators, not the victims.16 While there have been a number of protocols developed to help recognise and assist victims of domestic violence, there are only a few specifically designed to help doctors manage consultations involving perpetrators.10,17 The Ministry of Health in New Zealand has supported research by an Auckland group on interventions for GPs to use with both victims and perpetrators (see Box 5).17 Many men are motivated to change their violent behaviour when they recognise its destructive impact on their children.18 A useful approach to take with some perpetrators is to explain how persistent fear and threats of violence can adversely affect physical, emotional, behavioural, cognitive and social aspects of child development.19,20 Effective intervention reduces subsequent physical and emotional injury to the victim, enhances self-efficacy in both partners and reduces the transgenerational transmission of violence. | |||
Ethical and practical issues | |||
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There are difficult ethical issues for doctors who have both
perpetrator and victim as patients, and also for patients living in
rural areas or small towns in which there may be no alternative choice
of GP. Doctors can be confident that dealing actively with domestic
violence with both partners as patients does not present a conflict of
interest.21 Domestic violence issues
can be discussed with each partner independently. However, GPs have a
greater duty to warn victims in this situation, if they are considered
to be in imminent danger, than to protect perpetrators'
confidentiality. For reasons of safety, the issue should not be
raised with a perpetrator without the consent of the victim. It is
important to keep full clinical records in these complex situations,
noting clinical reasons for actions taken.
Confidentiality issues are especially difficult when the victim continues to be at risk but does not want the doctor to raise the issue of domestic violence with the perpetrator and does not want police intervention. Forcing interventions on unwilling patients is a violation of the ethical principle of respect for patient autonomy.22 Usually, victims prohibit intervention by doctors because they fear (often with justification) that it will make their situation worse. Doctors may be able to do no more than provide support and education for victims until the victims themselves judge that the time is right to make a move. The community faces ethical dilemmas in deciding when and how to intervene in what is perceived as people's "personal business". The price of not intervening may be preventable death, serious injury, or persistent mental and physical health problems. Another important practical issue is that of raising the problem with perpetrators when the doctor knows that there are few appropriate services to which they can be referred. This is particularly so in rural areas or small towns, where access to help may be difficult because of distance, cost or perceived lack of confidentiality. In this situation, doctors need to be as well informed as possible about the issues so they can manage the situation alone to the best of their abilities.21 GPs and practice nurses need good counselling skills to manage perpetrators effectively; currently, many are inadequately prepared for this task. | |||
Treatment programs | |||
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Legislation and community attitudes are moving towards zero
tolerance of domestic violence (eg, Domestic Violence Act
1995 (NZ); Domestic Violence Act 1976 (UK); mandatory
reporting in some states in the United States). Courts frequently
direct perpetrators to attend rehabilitation programs. Such
programs operate after the violence has occurred and aim at secondary
rather than primary violence prevention.
Cognitive behaviour therapy and "pro-feminist" educational programs are arguably the most useful models for treatment programs.9 Cognitive therapy recognises the functional value of abuse to the perpetrator and places responsibility for the violence on the perpetrator alone. It has been criticised for being value neutral, for not incorporating issues of unequal power between men and women, and because teaching perpetrators conflict management skills can give them new weapons of abuse. The pro-feminist approach aims to change men's discriminatory and controlling attitudes towards women, and makes safety of the victim paramount, even over confidentiality. Both perpetrators and program facilitators are held accountable for changing attitudes and behaviours. Pro-feminist and cognitive approaches can be effectively combined. Such programs also work closely with the criminal justice system. Cultural issues have not been widely researched, but, in New Zealand, it is considered that programs appropriate for Europeans may not be appropriate for Maori or Pacific Islander peoples.9 Group programs are widely preferred over treatment for individuals or couples. Most program attendees are there because someone else (a court or their partner) has insisted they attend. Not surprisingly, attrition rates are high. Although the low success rate for court referrals is disheartening, it is important that courts are seen to be taking a firm stance against violence. Many couples who voluntarily seek counselling for marital distress have an initially unrecognised element of violence in their relationship that will often respond to couple therapy.3 Couple therapy is generally not recommended if violence is an important issue in the relationship. | |||
How effective are treatment programs? | |||
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Despite almost 20 years of evaluating treatment programs, their
effectiveness remains questionable.8,9,23,24 Several
methodological problems are common: evaluations tend to be based
only on people who complete programs, ignoring the substantial
proportion (up to 40%) who drop out;25 most assessments adopt an
input-output design rather than considering the program components
that contribute to its success; and, most importantly, researchers
are not all agreed on what determines an "effective program".
Program effectiveness is commonly measured in terms of whether participants remain non-violent for an extended period after attending the program.9 Data collected from both partners are more valid than information collected only from perpetrators, for obvious reasons. It appears that most perpetrators who complete a program do stop their violence for a period, although some replace their physical violence with heightened verbal or psychological violence, which may be equally or more psychologically damaging for the victim. The "Minnesota" study,26 with a follow-up period of 18 months, found that two-thirds of those who completed a program remained free from subsequent violent behaviour, but less than half of the men who made contact with the program completed the full course. In a review of 22 evaluations of programs involving men who batter, Tolman and Bennett27 reported that most participants stopped their physical violence. Perpetrators who attended programs voluntarily did better than those referred by the courts (40% of men referred by courts had subsequent convictions for violence over the next five years25). A number of other processes (eg, arrest, separation from partner) sometimes happened while the program was under way, which may have accounted for some observed changes. In order to develop and evaluate these programs some writers have suggested the need to match specific types of perpetrators to specific programs.10 The ultimate measure of success of treatment programs is whether there is a perceptible change in community attitudes away from condoning violence. Robertson9 has suggested that effective treatment programs are ones that
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Conclusions | |||
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Domestic violence is a problem that will not disappear without
positive action. Failure to address issues of violence may be
interpreted by perpetrators as tacit agreement with their actions.
It also tells victims that doctors do not consider domestic violence
an important problem.
Domestic violence has been present for millennia and we should not be disheartened by the difficulty of bringing about change. Behaviour is difficult to alter, and relapse into previous damaging patterns of interaction is common. The role of health professionals is to be fully informed, clear in understanding the destructive nature of domestic violence, and available over time to facilitate change for perpetrators and victims. | |||
References | |||
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Authors' details | |||
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Dunedin School of Medicine, University of Otago, Dunedin, New
Zealand.
Sarah E Romans, MD, FRANZCP, Professor, Department of Psychological Medicine; Marion R Poore, MB ChB, FRNZCGP, Public Health Medicine Registrar, Department of Preventive and Social Medicine; Judy L Martin, MA (Hons), Dip NZLS, Lecturer, Department of Psychological Medicine. Reprints will not be available from the authors. ©MJA 2000
Readers may print a single copy for personal use. No further reproduction or distribution of the articles should proceed without the permission of the publisher. For permission, contact the Australasian Medical Publishing Company. Journalists are welcome to write news stories based on what they read here, but should acknowledge their source as "an article published on the Internet by The Medical Journal of Australia <http://www.mja.com.au>". <URL: http://www.mja.com.au/> © 2000 Medical Journal of Australia. We appreciate your comments. | |||
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