Click Here!
BMJ Case Notes 2009

  eMJA     The Medical Journal of Australia

Home | Issues | eMJA shop | Classifieds | Contact | More... | Topics | Search | Login | Buy full access   

Editorial

Genetically modified food: consternation, confusion, and crack-up

The controversy over genetically modified food exposes larger issues about public trust in science and the role of science in policymaking

MJA 2000; 172: 148-149

"The great pioneers of our subject were tormented by crises of belief and uncertainty, which we need to understand in facing our own problems today. It is only today, after 70 years, that such understanding is coming within our reach -- and may soon slip out of our reach."1 Did this desperate plea come recently from a scientist in defensive retreat? A scientist, perhaps, embroiled in the debate about genetically modified food, who flinched on reading that Stanley Ewen and Arpad Pusztai had found an "unexpected proliferative effect" of genetically modified potatoes on rat gut?2 Not, thankfully, on this occasion. These were the opening remarks of a respected senior botanist, C D Darlington, in an issue of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London devoted entirely to the manipulation of genetic systems in plant breeding. He was writing over 20 years ago.

Interference with our systems of food production has always aroused public alarm, occasionally with justification. From soaking crops with pesticides to taking short cuts in the feeding of cattle (bovine revenge being wreaked on Britain with variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease), food is a lightning-rod for public fears about scientists' allegedly reckless indifference to safety. But, even by these high standards of public sensitivity, the debate surrounding genetically modified organisms became the scientific controversy of 1999,3 a debate that is summarised in this issue of the Journal, with restrained good temper, by Huppatz and Fitzgerald on one side 4 and Leeder on the other.5

Four larger issues have been exposed by these kinds of exchange in the last months of the 20th century, and the arguments they incite threaten the fragile remnant of trust that remains between the public and scientists.

First, how can two (reasonably) well-regarded organisations peer review the same work -- Ewen and Pusztai's research on the effects of feeding genetically modified potatoes to rats -- and yet come to such radically opposite conclusions about its validity, as did the Royal Society and The Lancet? All six Royal Society reviewers pronounced the research "flawed", while five out of six of The Lancet's reviewers judged that Ewen and Pusztai's work should be published.6 Peer review as a reliable technique for assessing the validity of scientific data is surely discredited.

The mistake, of course, is to have thought that peer review was any more than a crude means of discovering the acceptability -- not the validity -- of a new finding. Editors and scientists alike insist on the pivotal importance of peer review. We portray peer review to the public as a quasi-sacred process that helps to make science our most objective truth teller. But we know that the system of peer review is biased, unjust, unaccountable, incomplete, easily fixed, often insulting, usually ignorant, occasionally foolish, and frequently wrong. A recent editorial in Nature was right to conclude that an over-reliance on peer-reviewed publication "has disadvantages that should be countered by adequate provision of time and resources for independent assessment and, in the midst of controversies, publicly funded agencies providing comprehensive, reliable and prompt complementary information".7

Second, given each outrageously overblown claim and counterclaim about the safety of genetically modified foods, how can the public ever begin to reach a balanced opinion about this important new technology? British -- but hopefully not Australian -- doctors, scientists, politicians, and even journalists, treat the public with little more than patronising contempt when a compelling scientific issue surfaces. According to research published by the United Kingdom's Economic and Science Research Council,8 "the public are not stupid and ignorant about their approach to [genetically modified food] risks but have a sophisticated grasp of the main issues". In the United States, the culture is, as so often, entirely different. Faced with growing public anxiety about genetically modified foods, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) called three open meetings to discuss the widespread concerns. The FDA plans to channel this public point of view into its own food-labelling and safety policies. Here is a model that other countries might adopt to their advantage.

Third, after the latest storm has calmed, how much more do we really know about the safety of genetically modified foods? Regrettably, very little. Considered opinions have been traded,9,10 but few new insights have been gained. The insipid but correct conclusion is that more research -- notably to confirm or refute Ewen and Pusztai's preliminary findings -- is needed. But perhaps the terms of the debate could be refined. Mark Tester, for example, has argued against discussing genetically modified plants as a homogeneous group. Instead, he proposes a classification of such foods based on the type of gene transfer used -- between kingdoms, between plant species, or between genes in a single type of plant genome.11 Each category of transfer carries a diminishing theoretical risk. Careful thinking, and not brutish restatements of old positions, is now required.

Finally, this and other recent public health scares have focused attention on the validity of the precautionary principle. This principle states that, where there are significant risks of damage to the public health, we should be prepared to take action to limit those risks, even when scientific knowledge is not conclusive, if the balance of likely costs and benefits justifies it. I have argued that the precautionary principle "offers one useful means to inform decision making".12 By contrast, Aaron Klug, President of the Royal Society, noted in his 1999 anniversary address that the precautionary principle "is no way to deal with uncertainty -- it is a recipe for [scientific] stagnation".13 Therefore, the question remains unresolved: how do policymakers make policy on controversial matters of public health when the scientific evidence is inconclusive?

In some ways, this bitter debate is spurious. Huppatz and Fitzgerald repeat a familiar argument -- namely, that "gene technology offers enormous potential for world agriculture". The Royal Society went further, claiming that "we cannot assume that current practices will feed the population of 8 billion expected by 2020";7 hence, genetically modified food offers one solution to a projected global famine.

Is this the problem we are trying to solve with genetic modification? If not, then what is? And if so, we may be missing a simpler, but far more profound, answer. The little research that has been conducted about the origins of famine reveals that the solution of "more food" may be no solution at all. There is no direct relation, Amartya Sen concludes in his study of poverty and famine,14 between food availability and starvation. Access to food depends far more on a complex mix of economic, social and political factors -- eg, without an income and a stable environment to exchange money for food, a person may starve in the face of plenty. If Sen's argument is correct, and the evidence he cites is persuasive, seeking a technological food fix for world hunger may be not only the biggest scientific controversy of 1999, but also the most commercially malevolent wild goose chase of the new century.

Richard Horton
Editor, The Lancet
London, UK

Reprints: Dr R Horton, The Lancet, 84 Theobald's Road, London, WCIX 8RR, UK.

  1. Darlington CD. Genetics and plant breeding, 1910-80. Philos Trans R Soc Lond 1981; B 292: 401-405.
  2. Ewen SWB, Pusztai A. Effects of diets containing genetically modified potatoes expressing Galanthus nivalis lectin on rat small intestine. Lancet 1999; 354: 1353-1354.
  3. Controversy of the year: GM foods under attack. Science 1999; 280: 2243.
  4. Huppatz JL, Fitzgerald PA. Genetically modified foods -- safety and regulatory issues. Med J Aust 2000; 172: 170-173.
  5. Leeder SR. Genetically modified food -- food for thought. Med J Aust 2000; 172: 173-174.
  6. Horton R. Genetically modified foods: "absurd" concern or welcome dialogue? Lancet 1999; 354: 1314-1315.
  7. Dangers of over-dependence on peer-reviewed publication [editorial]. Nature 1999; 401: 727.
  8. The politics of GM food: risk, science, and public trust. London: Economic and Science Research Council, 1999.
  9. The Royal Society Statement, 1998. Genetically modified plants for food use. London: The Royal Society, 1998.
  10. Millstone E, Brunner E, Mayer S. Beyond "substantial equivalence". Nature 1999; 401: 525-526.
  11. Tester M. Seeking clarity in the debate over the safety of GM foods. Nature 1999; 402: 575.
  12. Horton R. The new new public health of risk and radical engagement. Lancet 1998; 352: 251-252.
  13. Klug A. Anniversary address 1999. London: The Royal Society, 1999.
  14. Sen A. Poverty and famines. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.

©MJA 2000
Make a comment

Home | Issues | eMJA shop | Terms of use | Classifieds | More... | Contact | Topics | Search

The Medical Journal of Australia    eMJA  


Readers may print a single copy for personal use. No further reproduction or distribution of the articles should proceed without the permission of the publisher. For permission, contact the Australasian Medical Publishing Company.
Journalists are welcome to write news stories based on what they read here, but should acknowledge their source as "an article published on the Internet by The Medical Journal of Australia <http://www.mja.com.au>".

<URL: http://www.mja.com.au/> © 2000 Medical Journal of Australia.
We appreciate your comments.