Doctors' Health Fund

  eMJA     The Medical Journal of Australia

Home | Issues | eMJA shop | My account | Classifieds | Contact | More... | Topics | Search   

Safe motherhood: impossible dream or achievable reality?

John O'Loughlin

Empowerment of women is the only way to ensure safer motherhood

MJA 1997; 167: 622-625  

Introduction - Maternal mortality in Australia - Maternal mortality in developing countries - Maternal injury - Consequences of maternal death - Causes of unsafe motherhood - The solution - References - Authors' details - Pictures

Make a comment - Register to be notified of new articles by e-mail - Current contents list - ©MJA1997

 

Introduction

In Australia and other developed countries, women embark on pregnancy with little or no fear for their own safety. Along with the other great strides that medical science has taken in this century, there have been huge reductions in maternal and perinatal mortality rates. In developed countries, maternal mortality rates are no longer used as measures of the quality of obstetric services. The emphasis has long since shifted to perinatal mortality and morbidity.

But how safe is motherhood today in the developing countries of the world or among disadvantaged minority groups?  

Maternal mortality in Australia

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines maternal death as "the death of a woman while pregnant, or within 42 days of the completion of the pregnancy, irrespective of the duration and the site of the pregnancy, from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy or its management".1 In Australia each year there are about 260 000 confinements,2 and in 1990 there were 25 maternal deaths3 (i.e., nine per 100 000 live births). This is comparable with the lowest rates reported globally.

However, these figures hide an unpalatable fact. Births to women of Australian Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent represent about 3% of the total number of births per year, but account for about 30% of the overall maternal mortality.4 Accordingly, in 1990, the maternal mortality rate among Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders was about 40 per 100 000 live births, as opposed to 2-3 per 100 000 live births in non-Aboriginal women.

Governments continue to spend very large amounts of money in an attempt to remove this discrepancy, but clearly have not been successful. Money alone cannot improve the socioeconomic status of this disadvantaged group.  

Maternal mortality in developing countries

The difficulties experienced by Aboriginal women in Australia are reflected to a far greater degree among the peoples of the developing world. UNICEF and WHO estimates, based on a new approach to data collection, show that in 1990, 585 000 women died from causes related to pregnancy and childbirth.3 This is in excess of one death per minute. Over 140 000 died from haemorrhage; about 75 000 died from attempting to abort themselves; another 75 000 died from the brain and kidney damage of eclampsia; 100 000 died of sepsis; and about 40 000 died from obstructed labour.5 Eighty-seven per cent of births occur in developing nations, and these births account for 99% of maternal deaths (Box 1).  

Maternal injury

For every woman who dies from a pregnancy-related condition, about 30 more (i.e., over 15 million women per year) sustain a severe and permanent injury, such as chronic pelvic inflammatory disease, vaginal, rectal and perineal tearing leading to urinary and faecal incontinence, or Sheehan's syndrome (excessive blood loss causing pituitary gland necrosis and thus ovarian, adrenal and thyroid insufficiency).5

"Obstetric fistula" is a vesicovaginal fistula resulting from pressure necrosis from the fetal head on vagina and bladder tissues during prolonged and obstructed labour. As a consequence, there is a constant and uncontrollable flow of urine from the vagina. The woman and her clothing smell, her vulva becomes excoriated and painful, and she is often banished from her home to live with the domestic animals. She must walk everywhere as she cannot use any form of transport; she loses her family, her friends and often in despair surrenders her own life. Approximately 80 000 women develop obstetric fistula each year.5

Female genital mutilation -- the cutting away of the external genitalia, often including the clitoris -- is performed on girls aged 4-12 years. Approximately two million girls are so mutilated every year, mainly in Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia and Sudan.5 It is designed to preserve virginity and ensure marriageability. Giving birth is extremely painful -- the scarred vaginal opening cannot stretch to allow passage of the fetal head -- and results in injury and extensive tearing, often causing permanent damage.5

In developing countries women not uncommonly have up to 10 pregnancies during their lifetime. Based on the probability that some will suffer more than one obstetric injury during their lifetime, the total number of women affected can be conservatively estimated at some 300 million, more than a quarter of the adult women now alive in the developing world.5  

Consequences of maternal death

The 585 000 women in the world who die in pregnancy each year leave behind them at least one million motherless children. The death of a mother is almost twice as dangerous for her surviving children as the death of a father, and her daughters are almost twice as likely to die as her sons. 6

Women in developing nations are the major producers of food. They are responsible for 60%-80% of all food production in Africa, and 40% in Latin America. 7 Furthermore, unpaid household labour by women is worth about four trillion (10 12 ) US dollars per year, or about a third of world economic production (1993 global figures). 8 Clearly, addressing maternal health in developing nations is also sound economics.  

Causes of unsafe motherhood

To find solutions we need to know and understand the causes of maternal mortality and morbidity:

  1. Poverty;
  2. Poor access to health services;
  3. Pregnancies -- too many, too close, too early, too late;
  4. Poor nutrition and health; and
  5. Low social and economic status of women.

All of these are interlinked; a positive change in one is likely to lead to positive changes in all of the others.

1. Poverty

There has been no significant decline in poverty rates throughout most of the developing world over the past decade.9 In developing countries the individual family is likely to be impoverished, with no resources for emergencies. When daily survival of the family is at risk, mothers will use fewer resources for their own health. Moreover, most developing countries spend less on health and welfare than they do on servicing their debts.7

However, poverty does not necessarily mean poor maternal health. India, although a nation making economic progress, is still beset by the problems of the developing world -- a dense population and widespread poverty and illiteracy. Kerala State, in south-west India, however, has achieved a maternal mortality rate a third of the rate in the rest of India (Box 2).

2. Access to maternal health services In general, most women in the developing world, particularly in rural areas, have no access to adequate maternal health services. Only low cost strategies unlikely to make a major impact on overall maternal health have been introduced to combat this problem. These are:

  • More antenatal care: Most major obstetric complications occur without warning and can kill within hours. Appreciable delay between the onset of the complication and the initiation of effective treatment can be fatal. Most women in the developing world who die in childbirth do so remote from a hospital. In most instances they would not have attended for antenatal care, and neither would their death have been prevented by it. A study in Zimbabwe in 1994 showed that a lack of antenatal care contributed to only 7% of all rural and 10% of all urban maternal deaths.12

  • Traditional birth attendants: It is claimed that 55% of women in the developing world are assisted in labour by trained birth attendants,13 and that there is a correlation between countries with high mortality rates and a low percentage of trained birth attendants.13 However, many birth attendants have had no formal medical training and their actions may be guided by cultural prejudice. Government training programs have often been inadequate or ineffectual, and many graduates can neither predict nor cope with serious complications.5

  • Screening: The screening of pregnant women to determine high and low risk groups, although useful, will not detect a no-risk group. Every pregnancy, irrespective of risk category, may develop a life-threatening complication and needs prompt access to skilled obstetric intervention.

    Recognition of the limitations of these low cost strategies has led to the concept of "essential obstetric care".

Essential obstetric care: Essential obstetric care incorporates the provision of properly trained and skilled birth attendants able to recognise abnormality in labour, able to deal with unpredictable complications as they arise, and able to arrange transfer to a facility which can cope with obstetric emergencies.

In India, about three-quarters of the 150 000 women who die each year in childbirth live within a few kilometres of a health unit or district hospital, but those in attendance often fail to recognise complications early enough or arrange for transport to a health facility. Such facilities, even if acces sible, are often inadequately staffed or equipped.

Even in the United Kingdom, despite good standards of nutrition, health and hygiene, maternal mortality rates did not fall until the advent of skilled obstetric care, surgery and anaesthesia for the treatment of haemorrhage, obstructed labour and sepsis.

Cultural barriers: Often cultural barriers exist that militate against the use of whatever obstetric services are in existence. Many women expect to deliver at home and many refuse to see a male doctor. Many husbands refuse to provide money for medical treatment, or won't allow their wives to be removed from the family compound. Ignorance of potential complications of labour is widespread: obstructed labour can be regarded as a consequence of a wife's infidelity.5

3. Pregnancies too early, too late, too many, too close

Frequent pregnancies interspersed with long lactation periods deplete maternal energy, iron, and calcium stores. Women in Bangladesh and Pakistan spend more than half of their time between the ages of 15 and 45 either pregnant or breastfeeding.5 The greater the number of pregnancies, the greater the risk of complications. Teenage pregnancy and pregnancy in the 40s likewise increase maternal risk.

Cultural determinants and inequality of the sexes mean that many women have no reproductive choice. If all women who did not want any more children were able to stop becoming pregnant, the birth rate would drop by 57% in Latin America, 23% in Africa and 43% in Asia.14 Of all maternal deaths, 58% could be prevented by a combined approach of general fertility reduction, abortion services, and family planning targeted at high risk groups.15

Almost 50% of couples in the developing world have little or no access to family planning;6 less than 2% of all government health spending and less than 2% of international aid goes to family planning.5

Contraceptive technology is well advanced, and research into distribution methods shows that even poor societies can afford good family planning programs.16 Furthermore, it is possible to supply contraception in ways that are acceptable to all countries and cultures.5 The most important ingredient is the will of governments (rather than resources) to provide these services (Box 3, below).


4. Poor nutrition and health

Most women in developing countries suffer from malnutrition during pregnancy and lactation. Custom and tradition have ensured that women have a clearly defined provider role. They are the labourers in the field, and their toil provides the family with food, but men and boys are fed before women and girls.17 About a third of women in Sub-Saharan Africa have an inadequate daily calorie intake,18 while 60%-70% of pregnant women in developing countries are anaemic19,20 and therefore more likely to die from postpartum haemorrhage.21 Protein, mineral and vitamin deficiencies are also widespread, but these can be easily rectified by health authorities with relatively cheap intervention programs. R educing protein-energy malnutrition is more complex.7

5. The low socioeconomic status of women

In developing countries, on average, women earn 50%-70% of the income earned by men for similar work, and in Asia the wage gap reaches 50%.22 Women often do the tasks which require considerable physical exertion, regularly working 15 hours a day.23,24 Strenuous physical activity contributes to poor pregnancy outcomes, but women's health is seen by women and by others as a low priority.

This acceptance comes from a lack of knowledge and education. Knowledge is power, and they have little knowledge. Illiteracy rates may be almost 50% higher for women than for men,25 and women without formal education have a greater risk of maternal mortality than educated women.26,27 Although education and social welfare are not aimed at improving maternal health, increased spending in these areas leads to sustained reduction in maternal mortality and morbidity.10  

The solution -- empowerment of women

At the Safe Motherhood conference in Nairobi, Kenya, in 1987, the world set itself the target of reducing maternal morbidity by half by the year 2000. It was considered that almost all conditions that lead directly to maternal morbidity are either preventable or treatable, and that with access to better medical facilities a reduction of unnecessary loss of life of this order was achievable. In many areas of the developing world various initiatives and programs have been implemented and it is to be hoped that some progress will be made. However, with the publication of the 1990 maternal mortality estimates,3 derived by new and improved methods, it became apparent that the magnitude of the problem was even greater than previously realised, and that major intervention would be necessary if these targets were to be realised.

Better access to family planning services, widespread provision of essential obstetric care and programs to deal with malnutrition in women can be provided by making a relatively small increase in the overall health budget or by changing health care priorities. Authorities such as the World Health Organization and the World Bank 7 have clearly demonstrated that increased expenditure in these areas will produce handsome economic returns.

Why, then, is women's health not given greater priority? The reason is the male-dominated culture of much of the developing world. Control can only be exercised by power and this power resides in the hands of men. This describes the lot of women in much of the Third World. Without knowledge they are powerless, and will remain so.

Just as we have found with Australian Aboriginal women, women in the developing world will never achieve satisfactory health outcomes until they themselves, through the acquisition of knowledge and learning, are able to compete, at all levels of society, for their fair and equitable share of power and influence. For these women, empowerment is the ultimate key, the way forward to safe motherhood.  

References

  1. National Health and Medical Research Council. Health Care Committee. Report on maternal deaths in Australia 1988-1990. Canberra: AGPS, 1993: 5.
  2. Day P, Lancaster P, Huang J. Australia's mothers and babies, 1992. Sydney: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, National Perinatal Statistics Unit, 1997.
  3. World Health Organization/UNICEF. Revised 1990 estimates of maternal mortality. A new approach by WHO and UNICEF . Geneva: WHO/UNICEF, April 1996.
  4. O'Connor MC, Bush A. Pregnancy outcomes of Australian Aborginals and Torres Strait Islanders [editorial]. Med J Aust 1996; 164: 516-517.
  5. UNICEF. The progress of nations. Adamson P, editor. New York: UNICEF, 1996: 3-9.
  6. Pittrof R, Stanfield P. Raising awareness of safe motherhood. A collaborative project. Action for Safe Motherhood (UK) and Teaching Aids at Low Cost. St Albans, UK: TALC, October 1995.
  7. World Bank. World Development Report 1993. Investment in health. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993: 6, 9, 113.
  8. Freedman LP, Maine D. Women's mortality: a legacy of neglect. In: Koblinsky M, Timyan J, Gay J, editors. The health of women -- a global perspective. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993: 147-170.
  9. World Bank. World Development Report 1992. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
  10. Franke RW, Chasin BH. Kerala State, India: radical reform as development. Int J Health Services 1992; 22: 139-156.
  11. State of the World's Children. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.
  12. Mbizvo MT, Fawcus S, Lindmark G, Nystr¿m L and the Maternal Mortality Study Group. A community based study of maternal mortality in Zimbabwe. Lund: Reprocentralen HSC, Uppsala University, 1994.
  13. World Health Organization: coverage of maternity care. A tabulation of available information, 3rd edition. Geneva: WHO: 1993 (WHO/FHE/MSM/93.7:12.)
  14. Eschen A, Whittaker M. Family planning. A base to build on for women's reproductive health. In: Koblinsky M, Timyan J, Gay J, editors. The health of women -- a global perspective. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993: 105-131.
  15. Winikoff B, Sullivan M. Assessing the role of family planning in reducing maternal mortality. Stud Fam Plan 1987; 18: 128-143.
  16. Potts M. Costs, finance and human resources. In: Senanayake P, Kleinman R, editors. Family planning, meeting challenges, promoting choices. Proceedings of the IPPF Congress, 1992. Cranforth UK: Parthenon Publishing Group, 1992: 709: 21.
  17. Government of Lesotho, Health Ministry. Lesotho country paper. Presented at the Conference on Safe Motherhood for the Southern African Development Coordinating Council (SADCC) countries. Harare, Zimbabwe: 1990.
  18. Mhloyi, M. Maternal mortality in the SADCC region. Background paper for the Conference on Safe Motherhood for the Southern African Development Coordinating Council (SADCC) countries. Harare, Zimbabwe: SADCC, 1990.
  19. DeMaeyer D, Adies-Tegman M. The prevalence of anaemia in the world. World Health Stat Q 1985; 38: 302-316.
  20. Jordan EA, Sloan LS. The prevalence of anaemia in developing countries 1979-89. An annotated bibliography. Arlington, Va: MotherCare 1991. (MotherCare Working Paper 7A.)
  21. United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA). State of the world population 1989. Investing in women: the focus of the nineties. New York: United Nations Population Fund, 1989.
  22. United Nations Department of International Economic and Social Affairs (UNDIESA). The world's women: trends and statistics 1970-1990. New York: United Nations, 1991.
  23. Bleiberg FM, Burn TA, G oihman S, Gouba E. Duration of activities and energy expenditure of female farmers in dry and rainy season in Upper Volta. Br J Nutrit 1980; 43: 71-82.
  24. Roberts SB, Paul AA, Cole TJ, Whitehead RG. Seasonal changes in activity, birth weight and lactation performance in rural Gambian women. Trans R Soc Trop Med Hyg 1982; 76: 668-678.
  25. United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization. Statistical yearbook 1992. Paris: UNESCO, 1992.
  26. Harrison KA. Approaches to reducing maternal and perinatal mortality in Africa. In: Philpott RH, editor. Maternity services in the developing world. What the community needs. London: Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, 1980: 52-69.
  27. Briggs N. Illiteracy and maternal health: educate or die. Lancet 1993; 341: 1063-1064.

This is an abridged version of the 57th Edward Stirling Memorial Lecture, given at the University of Adelaide on 21 August 1996.  


Authors' details

43 Walter Street, North Adelaide, SA.
John O'Loughlin, FRACOG, FRCOG, Obstetrician and Gynaecologist; member of the Executive Board of the International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics.
Reprints will not be available from the author. Correspondence: Dr J O'Loughlin, 43 Walter Street, North Adelaide, SA 5006.

Make a comment - ©MJA 1997


Home | Issues | eMJA shop | My account | Classifieds | More... | Contact | Topics | Search

The Medical Journal of Australia    eMJA  


Readers may print a single copy for personal use. No further reproduction or distribution of the articles should proceed without the permission of the publisher. For permission, contact the Australasian Medical Publishing Company
Journalists are welcome to write news stories based on what they read here, but should acknowledge their source as "an article published on the Internet by The Medical Journal of Australia <http://www.mja.com.au>".

<URL: http://www.mja.com.au/> © 1997 Medical Journal of Australia.
We appreciate your comments.